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The Place of Cameroon in US Policy toward Central Africa after the Events of September 11 2001

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par Ibrahim Ndzesop
Institut des Relations Internationales du Cameroun - DESS 2007
  

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2. A leading role in ECCAS

Central Africa, in UN terminology, especially the Economic Commission for Africa, is defined to consist of ECCAS countries.208(*) These countries are Cameroon, Chad, Gabon, CAR, Democratic Republic of Congo, Congo Brazzaville, Equatorial Guinea, Rwanda, Burundi, Angola and Sao Tome and Principe. This region is sometimes defined in relation to the Gulf of Guinea, which on its part regroup ECCAS littoral countries plus Nigeria, Benin and possibly Togo.

Several countries have leadership ambitions in the region, the most out-spoken being Nigeria, Cameroon, Angola and Gabon. But Cameroon is more likely to constitute a better leader of the region and partner of the US. According to Chouala, «Nigeria is considered over-populated, huge, with a strong Moslem community and potentially explosive».209(*) For these reasons, Nigeria will hardly be able to lead the Gulf of Guinea; it cannot lead ECCAS because it is not a member. Cameroon's leadership position is affirmed because being a CEMAC and ECCAS leader, relaying English and French, with a hegemonic position in the franc zone. As for Angola, Chouala refutes its leadership capability, saying that «Angola has a limited strategic peak given its situation at the lower slope of the continent».210(*) This unfavorable geographical location gives credit to Cameroon, which is situated at the center of the Gulf, and which enjoys a Franco-British culture, more favorable for the other countries of the area. Though La Lettre du Continent211(*) has reported that the US is targeting the south of Angola for the construction of a US military base, such a base does not necessarily make of Angola the leader of the sub-region and choiced partner of the US. As for Gabon, it will be unable to lead the sub-region because of its economic, geographical, demographic and linguistic size, as well as its little access to countries like Chad and CAR, deficiencies which Cameroon overcome. As for DR Congo, though geopolitically well situated and has a hegemonic history in the sub-region, the political situation marked by conflicts and the consequence of that on its economy, gives the leadership preference to Cameroon which has a more stable political and economic situation.

Cameroon's stable political and economic situation must be juxtaposed with the regional picture of armed conflict and civil unrest. Studying security issues in Central Africa, Ndjock Bapah saw the region as «that part of the continent where current African affairs are focused for close to ten years».212(*) Writing in 2001, conflicts were still raging in such countries in Central Africa as Chad CAR, the Two Congos, Angola, Rwanda, Burundi and parts of Cameroon. It was a real challenge to the international community, as Ndjock wrote,

«Faced with this `spiral of conflicts', the UN, on the proposition of Cameroon (shared by the other states of the sub-region of Central Africa), created on 28 May 1992, the Permanent Consultative Committee of the United Nations on Security Issues in Central Africa (PCCUNSI-CA).213(*)

The role of Yaoundé was quite central, not only in coordinating and hosting different meetings, but also in providing ideas, personnel and funds for the creation of a sub-regional security apparatus.214(*)

More so, it is the wish of the US to see Cameroon play a more important role in sub-regional and regional issues, a role that measures it politico-economic prowess. In US minds, the weight of the countries in the Central African sub-region, and especially their socio-political conditions make Cameroon an unavoidable interlocutor on the political scene of the area, playing a more active security role. The US, according to Chouala, «is nurturing a strategy of co-sharing of regional influence with Cameroon».215(*) This co-sharing is because the US is relatively new in the region, is geographically far off and has little knowledge of the region, especially that the region is prey to several political conflicts. It is in the same perspective that the meeting between the European Union and Central Africa opened in Yaoundé on September 20, 2006.

* 208 Our introductory definition of Central Africa and ECCAS holds here.

* 209 Chouala, « La Crise Diplomatique de Mars 2004 Entre le Cameroun et la Guinée Équatoriale : Fondements, Enjeux et Perspectives», op, cit. p7

* 210 Idem.

* 211 See La Lettre du Continent, N° 450, July 2004, p. 3. According to the report, Sao Tome and Principe is thought to be too narrow for a military base and should be used just for a listening station for US oil corporations present if the Gulf.

* 212 Ndjock Bapah G. op, cit. p1

* 213 Ibid, p2.

* 214 Several meetings held in Yaoundé among which was an organization meeting of the UNPCCIPS-CA held in Yaoundé in July 1992. There was then a Non-Aggression Pact signed in Yaoundé 08/07/1996 for ECCAS. But most especially was the Yaoundé Declaration on Peace, Security and Stability in Central Africa. On the invitation of President Paul Biya, acting president of the United Nations Permanent Consultative Council on the Issues of Peace and Security in Central Africa (UNPCCIPS-CA), Heads of States and Governments gathered in Yaoundé on 25-26 February 1999 to examine the socio-political situation of the sub-region reported by CT, Friday February 26 1999.

* 215 Chouala, op, cit. p7

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