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Mass incarceration of african american in the united states: the specific case of male juvenile delinquentspar Madani Bah Université Paris 3 Sorbonne nouvelle - Master Etudes internationales 2016 |
ConclusionThe aim of this paper was to demonstrate how the U.S justice system was racially targeting young black people and keep them out of the mainstream society by putting them in juvenile detention or in prison. It was put into motion with the launching of the War on Drugs during the Reagan era, which resulted in the mass incarceration of many young black people (and can definitely be considered as the newest version of what was before: Slavery and Jim Crow Laws)and causedeverlasting damage to the black family in the United States as many children find themselves with a parent in prison with one children out of nine who have had a parent incarcerated.123(*) Most of the laws put in place related to drugs - especially crack - targeted poor ghetto communities, which happened to be overwhelmingly black. The same thing can be said for the juveniles with the horrible effect that the «super predator» era launched in 1996 by John DiIulio,has had on the American youth, especially youth of color: adolescents were now seen as monsters who could be judged in a same way an adult would be, which resulted in the many inhumane treatment and a big wave of teenagers sent to juvenile prisons. In both cases, for the drug issue and the super-predator issue, the media have played a crucial part in helping to promote these false claim under Reagan for the War on Drugs, and through DiIulio for the «super-predator» problem that the USA were allegedly facing. Institutional racism is not a new concept in USA. It has always been this way. The recent progress over the last few decades have not overshadowed the fact that the entire justice system among others that are still racially biased even if it is not as explicit as it used to be. When we take an in-depth look at the causes of the marginalization of many African American as today, it follows the same pattern that was put in place at the time of Slavery and the Jim Crow laws. Except that because nowadays, racism is in majority perceived as negative - that is actually debatable - the new system of mass incarceration due to the War on Drugs target certain part of the population but not straightforwardly as the two previous systems. As it was said, the consequences are heartbreaking overall but especially for Black males: 1 in 3 African American male born today can expect to go to jail with the current trend.124(*) Thus, a large part of the U.S. population is discriminated against and left out of the mainstream society before going to prison because of social, economic, and educational reasons that are due to social racism. When they are released, they face the impossible task to try to live with the stigma of being a former convicted person. In many cases, former inmates go back to prison because they are «stuck» with no loophole. Most of the people in prison - even those who are convicted for violent crimes, which are not the majority though- suffer from some sort of mental conditions that were not treated before they were in trouble, and were definitely not treated inside prison and after the potential release for some. Many have experienced Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder and behind bars have only increased their issues. An idea that is merely a fantasy actually in USA is that going to prison should not prevent anyone from having the possibility to redeem himself/herself and get another chance in the society. Except that it appears abundantly clear that it is close to impossible to get rehabilitation, not only because of how you are marginalized, but because of the failure to take care on a psychological level the traumatic experience that prison is for every former inmate and to actually deal with what you go through behind bars: literally physical and psychological torture. Indeed, as we have seen, whether it is in adult prisons or in juvenile centers, the practices are so outrageous that the scars and the disdain - especially for youth of color - may never disappear. They have been so broken as we have seen in many interviews that even when they were physically assaulted, it almost got to a point where they could not feel the hurt anymore because everything had been taken away from them. The double standards have to be point out here though: many of those people in prison who are considered delinquents or dangerous for society, and yet, when they are abused, the abuser is safe from facing consequences and the blame is put on the victims (as usual). It is tragic because the youth is supposed to be the future and for a lot of these young adolescents of color, they just feel angry all the time - which is understandable- considering the fact that they have absolutely nobody to turn to when they are tortured in juvenile centers (as if being away from their family and environment, adding to this the never-ending discrimination, was not enough). As of today in 2016, a number of activists and politicians have asked for a reform, especially regarding the racialized justice system that has caused mass incarceration. Topics such as abuses behind bars, and the treatments of youth have been prominent as well. To address most of these issues, the example to follow would be the one of Gladys Carrion who has completely transformed New York State's handling of juvenile delinquencies and the social and health problems linked to this. As she said, to solve these problems, you need someone who has great empathy and is willing to lose his or her job in order to fulfill his or her purpose to make things better. Unfortunately, as it was said earlier, racism is really a particular issue in the United States, especially in the justice system and the country has witness such violent killings of youth black men by white police men, many of those black men were unarmed it should be noted.Indeed, Police killed more than 100 unarmed black people and this was just in 2015.125(*) Many of those killings, dating back to the shooting of Trayvon Martin in 2013 have put the country in a dire situation with racial tension.A number of names can be added to the one of Martin: Freddie Gray, John Crawford Eric Harris, Tamir Rice. The shooting of the later has caused even more outrage because he was only a 12-year-old boy, playing in a park who was apparently was perceived as much older by the officer. A movement was born out of all this violence: Black Lives Matter which is international and campaigns against violence and systemic racism towards black people, especially killings by law enforcement officers, racial profiling, and inequality in the U.S criminal justice system. It was important to finish on this particular problem to emphasize on the fact that racial issues towards African Americans males have always been a part of the United States and that even in this era where it seems that the entire world have made tremendous success for every kind of equality - racial and gender in particular - it appears that it is not going to help the case of the millions of African Americans suffering from all forms of racism in the United States. And even if mass incarceration came to an end, it seems that a new way to exclude and discriminate against African Americans would be put in place anyway. Appendices Table of Contents Behind bars: Four teens in prison tell their stories................................42 Reform the Nation's Juvenile Justice System......................................53 Behind bars: Four teens in prison tell their stories Nicholas, 17, says that interviewing four teens in jail showed him that we must listen to and learn from their stories. By Nicholas Williams, 17, Daniel Murphy HS Nicholas asks: "What can we expect these teens to do with life sentences, sit in their cells and rot?"
I know there are victims of violent crimes whose voices go unheard. But recognize that some people who commit crimes have many reasons behind their actions. It's a cycle. This is what happens to kids who didn't have direction or anybody who cared, who had to learn about life the hard way. They were brought up this way so that's how they're going to treat others. Sometimes, it's okay to give a voice to the "villains." They have been victims too. Inside Juvenile Hall, Javier Stauring, the Catholic chaplain, was there to guide me through the facility and be present during the interviews. We sat down on a bench in the middle of the yard. He told me that high-risk offenders wore orange jumpsuits, and those wearing gray and yellow suits were minor offenders or those who violated their probation. The four teens I was going to interview were all high-risk offenders. Out of 550 inmates in Juvenile Hall, 180 were being tried in adult court, Javier said. He explained that I couldn't ask any questions about their crimes, use their full names or take pictures of their faces because they were minors and their cases were pending. While we sat talking, a few teens walked by with a guard, their heads facing the ground and their hands behind their backs. I watched them walk. Then one of them turned to look at me, and I turned my head to avoid eye contact. I felt that he didn't want to be looked at. I wouldn't want someone who was free looking at me walking around in prison. I felt uncomfortable that day, like I didn't have any clue what these kids had been through. Did I feel sorry for them? Not right away. I was surprised by the innocence of their faces, like they didn't belong there. I was really shocked when I saw a boy who looked like he was about 10 walking in a line with other kids, wearing handcuffs. I also felt glad that my life didn't take the same road as these kids' lives had. Then I met the four teens and I found out just how bad their situations were. Even though I had prepared a list of questions, I didn't know what to expect. Would they cry? Would they be angry? Though none of the four had an emotional outburst, some questions during the interview caused them to pause and try to hold in their emotions while thinking about painful memories. When I first met the two girls, Mayra and Elizabeth, I was expecting two huge girls, bigger than me, with short hair and tattoos. But two petite, feminine and pretty girls walked in ... What? What could they have done, and to be wearing orange suits at that? Yet both were smiling and saying hello to me. And when I met the two guys, they seemed calm and laid back. Though they were the same age as me, they seemed older in their ways. They had experienced a lot and you could see it in the way they carried themselves. Elizabeth was more to herself, the day-dreaming type; Mayra was tougher, more independent; Mark was heavy in size, but you could see the sensitivity in his eyes; and David was thoughtful, no doubt. All four had drifted into a negative lifestyle at a young age. It seemed as if it was impossible for them to overcome their problems. The two girls said they had been sexually and physically abused. Both said that leaving home at a young age was the only thing they could do to save themselves from future torment. The two guys, however, had wanted that wild lifestyle. Both confessed to having been ignorant and making bad choices. What I learned from talking with them is that there are some things we have no control over--our families, where we live and who we know. It was simple for me to see that all four kids had no control over their lives. All they knew was what made them feel better at the moment. There are a lot of negative aspects about prison, but some positive things can come out of being locked up. David even said, "I'm glad I'm in prison, or else I'd still be out there [getting into trouble]." Prison, for many out of control teens, is stopping them in their tracks so they don't go further with a criminal and violent life. Prison allows these teens to stop and think. David told me that his time in prison has allowed him to figure out that he's a "really cool person." Teens should get a chance to
change Talking to these kids, I realized they had many problems growing up. Some had no friends at all, and many have dysfunctional families. This doesn't excuse the crimes they committed, but it helps explain why. After one day at a prison, I see that in prison, it's just you and time. Too much time for the kids I met that day. That time in prison is time they wish they had to spend with their friends and family. Time they wish they had to go on a date, to play sports, to go to school, to watch television, to lay down on their own beds, to walk free, to laugh and have a good time again. It's time spent feeling regret for their past actions. No matter how much they regret the past, they will have to finish growing up in adult prison.
What's a typical day like? What was it like when you got
arrested? Was being a troublemaker exciting? Were you into school? When I was around fifth grade. My mom put me in a placement
because I was running away. I kept running away. I was a chronic runaway.
They'd put me somewhere and I'd run away from it. How do you feel compared to the average
teen? Did your parents try to discipline you? What do you think your parents could have done that would
have helped? What do you say to people who think Juvenile Hall is
easy, watching TV all day or something? How does it feel to lose your freedom? Elizabeth is awaiting her sentence in Central Juvenile Hall.
Have you been in here before? Was your life exciting before you came in
here? What's a typical day here like? What were you doing when you were free? Did your parents try to discipline you? Do you have any talents? How does your family deal with you being locked
up? How does it feel not to control your
fate? What do you think about Prop. 21? Mark is serving 13 years in L.A. County Men's Jail.
Was your life exciting before you came in
here? Did your parents try to discipline
you? How are you preparing for adult
prison? Did your environment contribute to you being in
here? What's your maximum sentence? Is it hard to wait for the results? How does it feel not to control your fate? I don't think nobody controls my fate. God controls my fate. If I get a long time, it's `cuz I got to learn something. And if I go home it means I'm ready. God has control. And I'm very happy he has control. What would you be doing if you weren't locked
up? How are you preparing for adult
prison? David is awaiting his sentence in Central Juvenile Hall.
Were you ever into school? Did your parents try to discipline you? What do you think your parents could have done that would
have helped? What was it like when you first came to Juvenile
Hall? How does it feel to lose your freedom? What do you need to help you get through
this? How are you preparing for adult
prison? Mayra is now serving a life sentence at a women's state prison. The Annie E. Casey Foundation ISSUE BRIEF January 2009 Reform the Nation's Juvenile Justice System Across the nation, juvenile courts and corrections systems are littered with poorly conceived strategies that increase crime, endanger young people and damage their future prospects, waste billions of taxpayer dollars, and violate our deepest held principles about equal justice under the law. These problematic practices persist even as scholars, advocates, and hands-on juvenile justice practitioners have vastly expanded our understanding of what works (and doesn't work) in combating delinquency over the past 20 years, as well as how to undertake effective system reform. Indeed, among all of the policy areas affecting vulnerable children and families, juvenile justice probably suffers the most glaring gaps between best practice and common practice, between what we know works and what our public systems most often do on our behalf. The most urgent need is to reduce our wasteful, counterproductive overreliance on incarceration and detention, and instead to redirect resources into proven strategies that cost less, enhance public safety, and increase the success of youth who come in contact with the juvenile courts. Reducing racial disparities and combating abuse in juvenile facilities also require immediate attention. While juvenile justice is largely a state and local responsibility, the federal government can and should make a crucial contribution. Often, states and localities lack the financial resources and technical know-how to reform their juvenile programs and practices, and they have long looked to Washington for guidance. Indeed, since the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act (JJDPA) was passed in 1974, Washington has often played a vital role in setting minimum standards, conducting and disseminating research on best practices, and providing funding to help states and localities improve their juvenile systems. Unfortunately, in recent years the federal government's role in juvenile justice has suffered due to inattention and drift. With the landmark JJDPA up for reauthorization in 2009, the Obama administration has an unparalleled opportunity to use the resources and influence of the federal government to jumpstart a long-overdue renaissance in our nation's approach to adolescent crime. Recommendation: Restore the capacity of the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP) to serve as a national incubator and catalyst for improving juvenile justice policies and practices. Since 2000, total federal juvenile justice funding declined by nearly 60 percent, and the budget for OJJDP's core research and dissemination efforts was slashed 90 percent from $6.8 million to just $700,000. Meanwhile, despite evidence of widespread rights violations in juvenile justice, the federal government has done little in recent years to expand or intensify its efforts to protect the safety and well-being of court-involved youth. To reverse this troubling trend and restore OJJDP's leadership, the reauthorized Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act should: · Restore OJJDP's budget for nationally sponsored research, demonstration, and public information efforts to its 2002 level or higher. Added funding will allow OJJDP to expand production of timely research and replenish its in-house staff expertise. However, administrators must reverse recent practice and award grants based on scientific merit as judged by career OJJDP staff and objective peer reviewers. · Restore OJJDP support to state and local juvenile justice efforts to 2002 levels or higher, but tie funding to proven and cost-effective strategies and require outcome evaluations for all federal investments. OJJDP should require outcome measurements for all federally financed programs and ban the use of federal funds to support models that have been proven ineffective. · Use OJJDP's funding and influence to encourage or require state and local tracking of key juvenile justice indicators, and establish a uniform measure of recidivism for youth released from correctional facilities. · Study the feasibility of a uniform juvenile justice data collection system to provide researchers and policymakers with information essential to good planning and practice, and to promote data-driven and evidence-based policymaking in juvenile justice. Recommendation: Focus the energy and resources of OJJDP and other federal agencies on crucial and pervasive shortcomings in juvenile justice practice. As the Casey Foundation documented in its 2008 KIDS COUNT Data Book essay, «A Roadmap for Juvenile Justice Reform,» our nation's juvenile justice systems are plagued by several pervasive weaknesses - areas where policy and practice often diverge dramatically from our knowledge of what works. In the coming years, federal efforts should be specifically targeted to help states address these priority concerns. PRIORITY FOCUS #1: Combat overreliance on training school incarceration and pre-trial detention. Juvenile justice systems routinely detain and incarcerate youth who pose little or no danger to public safety, despite research that community supervision and non-residential, evidence-based programs are more effective and vastly more cost-efficient. Nationwide, in both pre-trial detention centers (analogous to adult jails) and youth correctional facilities (analogous to prison), less than one-fourth of confined youth have been involved in violent felonies. Many have committed only misdemeanors or status offenses. To help states reduce reliance on confinement, OJJDP should: · Fund and encourage states to replicate intensive and evidence-based nonresidential alternatives to incarceration for lower-risk youth. · Help states transition away from the failed model of incarcerating youth in large, congregate care training schools, where recidivism is uniformly high, and instead adopt the «Missouri model» with a regionalized network of small facilities offering positive youth development and behavioral treatments. Through this approach, 70 percent of youth released from Missouri juvenile facilities avoid recommitment to any correctional setting three years after discharge--far better than most states, even though its costs are low compared with other states. · Support comprehensive reform efforts at the crucial front end of the juvenile system, the detention phase, following the Annie E. Casey Foundation's Juvenile Detention Alternatives Initiative (JDAI) model. JDAI is now being replicated in 100 jurisdictions nationwide, and many sites have sharply reduced confined populations without harming public safety. JDAI model sites in Albuquerque, Chicago, Portland (OR), and Santa Cruz have lowered their daily detention populations by 38 to 75 percent without any uptick in youth offending. PRIORITY FOCUS #2: Take aggressive steps to reduce racial disparities in juvenile justice. Perhaps the most troubling characteristic of our nation's juvenile justice system is the shameful and persistent overrepresentation of minority youth. The research is now clear that youth of color are treated more harshly than white youth at every stage of the juvenile process, even when they present the same histories and are accused of the same crimes. In 1988, Congress amended the JJDPA to make addressing racial and ethnic disparities a «core requirement,» but it offered little guidance and few consequences for inaction. Consequently, few jurisdictions have made progress in reducing disproportionate treatment. To remedy this pervasive injustice, the core mandate in JJDPA should be strengthened, and states should be required to analyze each stage of the juvenile court process for racial equity, and to develop corrective action plans to reduce disparate outcomes. PRIORITY FOCUS #3: Combat abuse and protect the safety of youth confined in juvenile facilities. Conditions of confinement within juvenile detention and corrections facilities are deeply problematic. Violence and abuse are rampant in many facilities, as are the excessive use of isolation and dangerous or overly harsh disciplinary techniques such as four-point restraints, strip searches, and pepper sprays. Juvenile systems in California, Texas, and several other states have been plunged into scandal in recent years by revelations of endemic abuse, and the Associated Press recently reported that 13,000 cases of abuse were reported in juvenile institutions nationwide from 2004 to 2007. To better protect confined youth, the federal government should: establish a mandatory reporting system for all unusual incidents, injuries, and deaths in secure facilities; develop guidelines on the proper use of seclusion and restraints in juvenile facilities; require states to develop and implement plans to ensure the safety and prevent abuse of confined youth; expand funding for the U.S. Justice Department office responsible for investigating conditions of confinement; and repeal federal legislation that inhibits private litigation over conditions of confinement for juveniles. PRIORITY FOCUS #4: Limit the number of youth tried in adult courts. Brain studies and social science research now show conclusively that adolescents are less mature than adults (and therefore less culpable for their crimes), and more likely to desist from crime and respond to rehabilitation. Studies consistently find that young people prosecuted and punished in the adult justice system are more likely to re-offend than similar youth retained in the juvenile system. Nonetheless, an estimated 200,000 youthful offenders are tried in adult courts every year, many of whom are punished in adult prisons or probation/parole systems. Some live in states that define the age of juvenile jurisdiction at 16 or 17, rather than 18, and many others are transferred to adult courts through ill-considered transfer and waiver laws passed in the 1990s. To inhibit these counterproductive practices, Congress should repeal federal laws that encourage the transfer of juveniles to adult courts and corrections for specified crimes. OJJDP should provide funding and encouragement for state efforts to reverse rules that result in large numbers of transfers to adult court, and encourage all states to set the age of majority at 18. Also, just as the U.S. Supreme Court has banned the death sentence for crimes committed before age 18, OJJDP should encourage states to prohibit life sentences without parole for crimes committed by underage offenders. PRIORITY FOCUS #5: Conduct research and support demonstration projects to address other pervasive weaknesses in juvenile justice systems. Specifically, OJJDP should support, evaluate, and disseminate results of initiatives for overcoming: · Inattention to the parents and families of court-involved youth. Despite evidence that families continue to play crucial roles in the success or failure of court involved youth, juvenile courts, probation agencies, and correctional systems seldom engage parents/families in making decisions or designing individualized interventions. · Overzealous prosecution of minor crimes. Juvenile justice systems have shown an increasing propensity to prosecute minor cases in the juvenile justice system - often as the result of ill-conceived «zero tolerance» policies. Formally prosecuting routine misbehavior - rather than diverting non-dangerous youth from court and serving them informally - harms youth, with no benefit to public safety. · Dumping of special-needs youth better served by other systems. Juvenile courts and corrections systems have become a dumping ground for youth with mental health problems, abuse and neglect histories, and learning disabilities who should be served by public systems with specialized expertise in addressing these problems. · Inadequate access to counsel. In a series of recent reports, the American Bar Association and the National Juvenile Defender Center have documented severe weaknesses in the legal representation offered to low-income youth involved in juvenile court. Under a revised JJDPA, states should be required to provide prompt access to qualified counsel for all youth in the juvenile justice system, and they should receive funding and assistance to help improve their juvenile indigent defense systems. PRIORITY FOCUS #6: Strengthen JJDPA core requirements aimed at: · Preventing the confinement of status offenders. Before Congress enacted JJDPA, juvenile courts locked up nearly 200,000 young people every night for noncriminal behavior like running away from home, skipping school, and underage drinking. After JJDPA made federal funding contingent on deinstitutionalizing these status offenders, the number of confined status offenders dwindled to 10,000. In recent years, however, many jurisdictions have been exploiting a loophole that allows confinement of status offenders who violate a court order. This Valid Court Order loophole should be closed. · Keeping youthful offenders and adult offenders separate. For more than 30 years, JJDPA's «jail removal» and «sight and sound separation» requirements have kept juvenile offenders out of adult jails - or, if jail is the only available option, in separate units away from adult offenders. However, this protection was not extended to youth tried or punished as adults. JJDPA's rules should be revised to allow states flexibility to serve youth convicted as adults in juvenile facilities. Recommendation: Improve the juvenile justice workforce. In any effort to address the problematic practices described above and to adopt promising reforms, a key variable will be the talent, training, and dedication of the workers involved. Therefore, as recommended by former OJJDP Director Shay Bilchik, OJJDP should provide assistance to states in recruiting, training, and retaining juvenile justice workers, including support for: · Partnerships between state agencies and universities that offer a career track for college students into the juvenile justice field (as is done in child welfare); and · Internship experience and tuition subsidies for college students who commit to working for a juvenile justice agency within the state for a minimum number of years. List of References I - Primary SourcesOfficial Reports: National Household Survey on Drug Abuse, https://nsduhweb.rti.org/respweb/homepage.cfm Solitary Confinement of Juvenile Offenders, http://www.aacap.org/aacap/policy_statements/2012/Solitary_Confinement_of_Juvenile_Offenders.aspx Defending Childhood, https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/defendingchildhood/legacy/2012/12/12/cev-executive-sum.pdf Review Panel on Prison Rape, http://ojp.gov/reviewpanel/pdfs/panel_report_prea_apr2016.pdf Berkeley Media Studies Group, http://www.bmsg.org/ Interviews: BERNSTEIN Nell, Burning Down The House: The End of Juvenile Prison BETTS Reginald Dwayne, «Only Once I Thought About Suicide». http://www.yalelawjournal.org/forum/only-once-i-thought-about-suicide COATES Ta-Nehisi, «The Black Family in the Age of Mass Incarceration». http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2015/10/the-black-family-in-the-age-of-mass-incarceration/403246/ GATELY Gary, «Experts: Brain Development Should Play Bigger Role in Determining Treatment of Juvenile Offenders» http://jjie.org/experts-brain-development-should-play-bigger-role-in-determining-treatment-of-juvenile-offenders/105927/ KEREN Robert, «Life After Prison», http://sites.middlebury.edu/middmag/2011/03/08/life-after-prison/ «Behind bars: Four teens in prison tell their stories», http://www.layouth.com/behind-bars-four-teens-in-prison-tell-their-stories/ Letter: Prisoner 4099 - Oscar Wilde's letter - The National Archives, http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/education/prisoner4099/historical-background/transcript-letter.htm * 123 Danielle Paquette, «One in nine black children has had a parent in prison» https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2015/10/27/one-in-nine-black-children-have-had-a-parent-in-prison/ * 124Glenn Kessler, «The stale statistic that one in three black males `born today' will end up in jail» https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/fact-checker/wp/2015/06/16/the-stale-statistic-that-one-in-three-black-males-has-a-chance-of-ending-up-in-jail/ * 125 «Police killed more than 100 unarmed black people in 2015», http://mappingpoliceviolence.org/unarmed/ |
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