From the facts presented above, historically, Cameroon is in
its best relations with the US, but from a geopolitical perspective, much still
has to be done. Other African countries such as Kenya, Morocco and Egypt are in
far better situations with the US. It is important for researcher and
politicians to see what stakes and what way forward for Cameroon, what attitude
to adopt. Cameroon stands to lose by adopting a confrontational posture since
she has no rival ambitions. She needs not even adopt a legalistic or
philosophical standpoint since that will not pay either. The only thing is for
Cameroon to ally with the strong, plan relations with the US in a way that she
can obtain the best out of the relationship. Cameroon must however be careful
to raise the fury of US enemies. «The maximum amount of force can and
should be used as quickly as possible for psychological impact--to demonstrate
that the empire cannot be challenged with impunity,» as Bellamy Foster
wrote warning about confrontations with America, «....imperial strategy
focuses on preventing the emergence of powerful, hostile challengers to the
empire: by war if necessary, but by imperial assimilation if
possible.»304(*)
Cameroon is not therefore emerging as a challenger to the US for obvious
reasons, but as a partner, a regional ally, assimilated into the
empire.
It will be interesting to begin by asking a constructivist
question; how did Cameroon respond to 9/11. Apart from joining other African
governments to condemn the attacks, the Cameroonian government followed suit to
sign the UN international convention against terrorism. Cameroonian reaction
was important because as President Bush put it, "On September the 11th, we
resolved that we would go on the offense against our enemies, and we would not
distinguish between the terrorists and those who harbor or support them.»
Apart from an insignificant section (probably fundamentalist) of the 20% Muslim
population of Cameroon that continued to pour invectives on the US government,
the Cameroonian people overwhelmingly condemned the attacks, expressed sympathy
and support for the American people. This sympathy generally corroborates with
the penchant for the American dream inhabiting young Cameroonians.305(*) On the other hand,
Cameroonian government, as other sub-Saharan African countries, gave support
for different international conventions against terrorism. Within Cameroon,
security was reinforced around the US Embassy and embassy personnel and to
Americans in Cameroon in general. Then, the US message was `they that are not
for are against us', and Cameroon needed not be against Americans. Cameroonian
support was equally seen through the wit with which Cameroon managed her
position as chair of the Security Council in the debates preceding the Iraq
War. President Biya's visit to Washington the day before the Iraq War was
launched was interpreted not only as endorsement for that war in particular,
but as Cameroonian alignment with America in general.
Cameroon's reaction to the events of 9/11 revealed that the U
ni t ed States is a «C ity on a Hill» and as such
holds extr ao r dinar y sy mbolic significance. Many Cameroonians, as other
peoples around the world look to the United States as a place where achievement
trumps ascription, where religious and cultural diversity is tolerated, where
economic opportunity is available to all, and where the positive achievements
of modernity have reached their apogee. For others, how- ever, the United
States embodies the evils of globalization, the gross disparity in wealth and
power between the West and the developing world, and the reckless use of
military force. Surely we knew this already: around the world, McDonald's
restaurants are routinely sacked when angry crowds gather to demonstrate
against some perceived American wrong. But September 11 brought home with
renewed force the importance of the United States as symbol. The World Trade
Center and the Pentagon represented more than American economic and military
dominance. They also symbolized the global economic, military, and cultural
ascendancy of the West, and the comparative marginalization of much of the rest
of the world. As the terrorists of September 11 knew and many others have since
learned, to attack the symbols is to strike at the heart of power. Here again,
brute geopolitical facts give way to questions of perspective, of
interpretation, of geography--and of ideology. If one's geographic perspective
is from the margins and one's interpretive schema reflects this position, how
does one respond to Western pre-eminence differently than if one is at home in
the core?
Cameroon has reasons aligning with the US. There are political,
military, economic, and trade imperatives for Cameroon. Politically, Cameroon
needs American support to ensure its security in the Gulf of Guinea against
threats from its powerful neighbor, Nigeria,306(*) but also from other countries in the sub-region. The
need is even stronger today with fears of a spillover of the Darfur war into
Cameroonian territory. Within Cameroonian territory, Cameroon needs to check
possible insurrections from the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC), as
well infiltrations of fundamentalist Muslims from northern Nigeria. In the same
vein, Cameroon needs US military training and equipments to modernize its army
and make it more response-able. Cameroon could benefit from the over $100
million set aside by the Bush Administration for the fight against terrorism in
Africa. That will help reinforce border control, police services and exchange
of information between the US and Cameroon, potentially dismantling Al-Qaeda
networks in the region. Economically, it is in Cameroon's interest to reap the
most from US international development funds (the Millennium Challenge Account,
funds against HIV/AIDS, Bird Flu, etc.) and debt cancellation. Finally,
Cameroon is at the point today of wooing investors. The US, since the end of
the Cold War, has been investing heavily (at least in comparison with the past)
in Africa, and that increase has accelerated since 2001. Aligning with the US
will help Cameroon attract large chunk of this foreign direct investment (FDI).
There is a fair consensus and consistency on Africa's priorities,
defined in part by the unavoidable challenges of HIV/AIDS, poverty and
conflicts.307(*) The
plague of disease and poverty to Cameroonian people put them before
unprecedented challenges. In isolations, Cameroon will not meet these
challenges, it requires the engagement of all partners especially that the US
is the biggest single donor for both poverty reduction funds and funds to fight
HIV/AIDS.
Nevertheless, for Cameroon to reap adequately from these funds,
political reforms have to be initiated. In spite of the intensification of
relations as seen throughout this paper, the US still insist on the need to
effect political reforms, institute the rule of law and accelerate the
democratization process. Cameroon cannot ignore US calls for democratization
because of the place it occupies in American policy-makers and because of the
several lobbying groups in the US that insist that Cameroon must democratize.
In American thought, the progress so far has been good but insufficient. After
all, are the issues of human rights and good governance just for the Americans,
the French and the Commonwealth? Are they not for Cameroonians primarily?
From a sub-regional perspective, the absence of a sub-regional
power that takes up its leadership role is an invitation to Cameroonian
authorities to play their `natural' role. Cameroon's leadership role is not
necessarily to «oppose the appetites the sub-region
induces»308(*),
but to define interests, defend them and create a consensus within the
countries of the sub-region and between them and coveting super-powers.
Studying the question of leadership within the GG, Awoumou proposes the
following model;
The GG can adopt a strategy for the promotion and defense of
its interests in two ways; one that focuses on Central Africa as a specific
identity with the CEMAC as a reference framework for integration under the
leadership of the Cameroon-Chad couple. The other way would be the creation of
a sub-entity led by an Abuja-Yaoundé-Luanda axis within the framework of
redefined ambitions for the Commission of the Gulf of Guinea.309(*)
He explains that Cameroon must appear `going it alone' in the
sub-region because of the hegemonic fears which such a move will raise in the
other countries. In any case, both ways put Cameroon at a prime position. Apart
from that, it is not impossible for Cameroon to go it all alone in Central
Africa, given that other countries do so in their sub-regions (Nigeria in West
Africa, Kenya in East Africa, South Africa in Southern Africa, etc.). It will
likely depend on the charisma with which Cameroon will steer the affairs of the
region.
