Memoire Online - An attempt to a diglossic analysis of swahili spoken in Bukavu with focus on lexicon

AN ATTEMPT TO A DIGLOSSIC ANALYSIS OF SWAHILI SPOKEN IN BUKAVU WITH FOCUS ON LEXICON.

Research paper submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of LICENCE in English Language Teaching.

ABSTRACT

This paper provides the reader with some information on the implementation of diglossia (as conceived and viewed by Ferguson) in Swahili spoken in Bukavu. This language has been looked at as having two linguistic varieties viz. Bukavu Swahili, the low variety and Sarufi, the high variety. These varieties diverge as far as linguistic phenomena are concerned. The analysis of diglossic lexical distinction in Swahili spoken in Bukavu was connected to some methodology. This consisted of data collection and three methodological tools viz. observation, interview and documentation. As a matter of fact, the diglossic lexical distinction between the two varieties is likely to yield some communication problems among Swahili speakers of Bukavu.

My father Innocent Muhindo Bitaha and mother Kavira Sakina, and my siblings Mylène K. Bitaha, Maurice K. Bitaha, Chantal K. Bitaha and Marc K. Bitaha,

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The Almighty God has done great things to me. He is praiseworthy and thankworthy.

My gratitude is particularly forwarded to Dr. Tembue Zembele wa Ololo who devoted his incommensurable industriousness, scientific knowledge and guidance to the supervision of this paper, notwithstanding his daily duties.

My gratitude and thanks are led to the whole staff of I.S.P/Bukavu, particularly that of the English department for having trained me scientifically and morally.

A number of people were obliging and offered to endow me necessary documentation. These are Amani Matabaro, Aristide Lulasha, Bob Cirhibuka, Rubain Rhubane Akiza, Senior Lecturer Gervais Cirhalwirwa, Junior Lecturer Buzigire M., and all the I.S.P/Bukavu librarians. All of them are thankworthy.

I bear in mind my acquaintances and relations, especially Mary B. Ziraje, Catherine K. Kibondo, Olga Furaha S., Nadine Sekera, Esperance Mamytchou, Samy Mulashe, Basil K. Savo, Melchisedeck Ndekeninge...

I have completed my studies with some mates I should be reminiscent of. These are: Francois Nteranya R., Odette Cirhibuka M., Milton Elongo L., Martin Zirhaliskuguma M., Prince Namegabe M., Emmanuel Camunda M., Basle K. Savo, Christian Rhuhune M., Lydia Mashinda W., Michel Mukaba C., David Biloko R., Joseph Kaleba W., Eusebe Mwerukweru B., Felix Masemo K., Rubain-D. Rhubane A., Therese Mema M., Olivier Maisha B., and Jean-Pierre Polepole B.

May God bless all those who, by near or by far, helped in my scientific success.

ABBREVIATIONS LIST

CHAPTER 0. GENERAL INTRODUCTION

0.1. Background to the study

Diglossia extols that two markedly divergent varieties, each with its own set of social functions, coexist as standards throughout a community (Crystal: 1989).This characterizes a lot of multilingual communities throughout the world.

The city of Bukavu is multilingual (see Goyvaerts, et al.1983:57).Among the various languages that are spoken in Bukavu, Swahili is the most outstanding lingua franca; it serves for communication by the greatest number of people whose main languages are different. For the sake of language evolution, Swahili spoken in Bukavu displays two linguistic varieties of which one is high and the other low. Crystal (1989:43) says:»Diglossic situations are widespread (...).These speech communities recognize the H/L distinction and have separate names for the two varieties.»In accordance with this statement, I will look at the high variety in Swahili spoken in Bukavu as «Sarufi» (or S) and at the low variety of the same language as «Bukavu Swahili» (or B.S. for short).

0.2. Problem statement

The diglossic situation of Swahili spoken in Bukavu is striking as far as lexicon is concerned. B.S. and S use, at a large scale, different lexical stores. In other words, the two linguistic varieties have each a specific set of lexical features.

2) What is the possible consequence of these lexical differences between both varieties?

There are lexical differences between B.S. and S because the former resorts to borrowing words (from Western languages and vernaculars), to neologisms, and to S lexical features of which the meanings are transformed. Furthermore, Lexical differences between both varieties cause communication problems among Swahili speakers of Bukavu. For instance, a B.S. speaker would be semantically misled before an S lexical item and the same with an S speaker.

The methodological tools I have had recourse to are observation, interview and documentation. The first led me to focus much attention on the lexicon in use in different utterances by Swahili speakers in Bukavu. With the second, I questioned my informants on the relevance of the lexical items taking into account the diglossic distinction between B.S. and S. Finally, the third let me resort to books and articles relative to this study.

This study concerns the implementation of diglossia in Swahili spoken in Bukavu with focus on lexicon.

This study aims at analyzing the diglossic lexical differences between B.S. and S. This is of significant importance as it attempts to analyze the difference lying between the lexical stores of both B.S. and S. This would incite and lead a Swahili speaker of Bukavu to develop ability to understand either lexical store.

Chapter 1 REVIEW OF THE RELEVANT LITERATURE ON DIGLOSSIA

1.1. Introduction

The term «diglossia» was first used in English by Charles Ferguson in 1959 (the word «diglossie», which inspired Ferguson's coinage, had earlier been used by the French Marçais).This present study will take into account Ferguson's description of diglossia that will be adapted to the situation of Swahili spoken in Bukavu. The account hereafter provides an idea on diglossia according to Ferguson.

1.2. Ferguson's description of diglossia.

Ferguson's attention had been drawn to the general fact that speakers in multilingual communities often use more than one language variety in one kind of circumstance and another variety under other conditions. He also noticed that there was a special case of this «where two varieties of a language exist side by side throughout the community, with each having a definite role to play» (Ferguson 1972:2332, quoted by Fasold 1984:34). This special case, which he called «diglossia», was to distinguish from the alternate use of a standard language and regional dialect, and also the case «where two distinct...languages are used...throughout a speech community each with a clearly defined role» (Ferguson 1972:233, quoted by Fasold 1984:34). Ferguson proceeded to explain diglossia under nine rubrics: function, prestige, literary heritage, acquisition, standardization, stability, grammar, lexicon, and phonology.

1.2.1. Function.

Function is the most crucial criterion for diglossia. In Ferguson's concept, there are two moderately distinct varieties of the same language, of which one is called the «High variety» (or simply H) and the other the «Low variety» (or L). As far as Swahili spoken in Bukavu is concerned, the»High variety» has been matched with «Sarufi» (or S) and the «Low variety» with «Bukavu Swahili» (or B.S., for short). In Bukavu, S is mostly used in the Bible, the Koran, religious documents, news broadcasts and literature. This makes clergymen, journalists, writers and others resort to S so that they master it for communication and/or professional purposes. It is also noteworthy mentioning that there are some mid-class citizens who also resort to S in order to identify themselves or sound as foreigners (especially from one of the East-African Swahili speaking countries) or simply as people of the uncommon social stratus. The functional distribution for B.S. and S means that there are situations in which only S is appropriate and others in which only B.S. can be used, with very little overlap. It does not spare the fact that some S elements are frequently used in B.S. The functions calling for S are decidedly formal and guarded; those calling for B.S. are informal, homey and relaxed. The following table inspired by Ferguson distinguishing the typical situations in which the two varieties are used has been adapted to the case of Swahili spoken in Bukavu.

It is a social gaffe to use the wrong variety in an inappropriate situation. If a journalist were to broadcast news in B.S., s/he would be considered very foolish, or perhaps a political radical .A speaker who used S in an informal conversation would either be made fun of or avoided as someone who is unbearably pompous. For the sake of argument, a Bukavu speaker of Swahili would be linguistically fit if s/he used S in church sermon and prayers and B.S. when bargaining in Kadutu market or chatting with peers.

As for poetry and folk literature, some poetry in B.S. is common, but only S poetry is thought of as genuine and real. In Bukavu, S is officially the language of formal education (see the media and church principally), but a good deal of B.S. is used in early grades of primary schools. The reason for this is that facility in S is often restricted to small elite whereas everyone in the community speaks B.S. Educators, then, have to spend time explaining in B.S. material that has been presented in textbooks in S.

1.2.2. Prestige

The attitude of speakers in diglossic communities is typically that H is the superior, more elegant and more logical language. L is believed to be inferior, even to the point that its existence is denied. A lot of Swahili speakers in Bukavu are aware of the existence of the S variety but do not use it in everyday conversations; they know that it is the superior, the more elegant and more logical variety. Instead, they resort to the B.S. variety, the inferior variety that they speak every day. Even people who do not understand S well would find it unpleasant or even illogical news broadcast or a local newspaper printed in B.S. This is the prestige that S holds over B.S.

1.2.3. Literary heritage

In three of Ferguson's four example languages, there is considerable literature in H which is much admired by the speech community. Contemporary literature work in H is felt to be the continuation of this great tradition. The body of the literature has its roots either in the distant past or in another speech community. Down in Bukavu, S is felt to be the continuation of Kingwana, the Swahili variety from Maniema, descended from the East African coast Swahili. Long before colonization, the Eastern part of the Congo (in which Bukavu is found) had gradually been adopting Swahili through trade contacts with the East African coast and also as a result of Arab settlement (Goyvaerts et al. 1983:49). «Sarufi» is someway close to Kingwana whereas «Bukavu Swahili» is more and more deviant.

1.2.4. Acquisition

A very significant aspect of diglossia is the different patterns of language acquisition associated with the High and Low dialects. L will be used to speak to children and by children among themselves, so that L is learned in the normal, unselfconscious way. H is always an «add-on» language, learned after L has been substantially acquired, usually by formal teaching in school. In Bukavu (and in the East of the Congo), however, after B.S. has been acquired, primary school pupils will hardly have access to S for it is devoted least importance in school; it is scarcely learned as an «add-on» language in public primary schools and simply not in private ones. S should be learned as a second language; that which plays a greater social function where it is taught. But it is rather learned as a foreign language, that is, learned only as a school subject and playing no official role in the place where it is learned (see Kambale Baha: 2007). Therefore, generations and generations of Bukavu literate people grow up to older age with B.S. as the linguistic variety they know, except the few Congolese citizens in Bukavu who are S self-trained and/or who might have been exposed to the East African Swahili through residence. These may or use S easily. Acquisition pattern has two typical effects. First, those who leave school in early grades, not an unusual phenomenon in many parts of the world, are not really linguistically trained in S. That is, as far as learning S is concerned, those who got the S rudiments through schooling, those who left school very early and those who did not go to school may likely be on the par. Secondly, in Bukavu, the few people who can speak S are either (foreign) missionaries who sacrificed time to learn it or some S self-trained indigenous Congolese citizens whose professions are such as church missionaries, journalists, teachers and the like, or those Congolese citizens who have been exposed to East African Swahili. Both (foreign) missionaries and S self-trained Congolese citizens are less fluent in S than in other. But those who have been exposed to East African Swahili are considerably fluent in S. The reason for this is that B.S. is used regularly for everyday communication, whereas S is learned by memorizing rules of grammar, similar to the way foreign languages, like English, are learned in school. On the other hand, both (foreign) missionaries and S self-trained Congolese citizens apply the grammatical rules of the low variety in their normal speech with perfection, whereas the corresponding ability in the high variety is limited. In Bukavu, if some people are asked, they will say that B.S. has no grammar and that B.S. speech is a mere deviation from S.

1.2.5. Standardization

Not surprisingly, it is the H form of the language that is standardized by usual means of formal codification. Dictionaries, grammars, pronunciation guides, and books for current usage are written in H. The alphabet and spelling rules for H are established and do not vary much. It is not rare for any studies for L to exist at all (this is to be expected as long as L is thought not to exist or just to be corrupt H). Those that do exist are likely to be conducted by scholars from other speech communities and written in other languages. Writing in L is less difficult because of established spelling rules, but in most cases no one wants to write in L anyway. Concerning Swahili spoken in Bukavu, only the S variety is codified through dictionaries, grammar books and other books of rules for current usage. Conversely, B.S. is not standardized by means of formal codification. But little research on it has already been carried out by such scholars as Goyvaerts, Goyvaerts and Tembue, Masumbuko, Byabene etc?.

1.2.6. Stability

Diglossia is commonly an extremely stable phenomenon and there are many cases that have lasted for centuries. Depending on how broadly we want to define diglosssia, it can be argued that diglossia is required for more than one language variety to be maintained in community. Tension between H and L in diglossia is relieved to some extent by the development of mixed, intermediate forms of language which share some of the features of H and L. Borrowing of H words into L is usual; use of L vocabulary in H is less usual but does occur. In Bukavu, B.S. and S are, in terms of functional distribution, a case of diglossia that has lasted for decades. Already in the late 1950s, the diversity of inhabitants from various parts of the Congolese nationwide territory (in terms of their tribal origins) was acknowledged in Bukavu (see Young: 1965, referred to by Goyvaerts 1983:53). The second republic administration of former Zaire favored migrations of government officers from one region to another. The latter two facts are, in a way or another, indications whereby B.S. ,the low variety, has been so influenced by various languages as to be more and more deviant from S. B.S. can be declared to be Sarufi-based since a great deal of it originates from S (words, sounds, sentence structures, etc) despite its deviation from the latter. It is very scarce for S to have recourse to B.S elements but it is less frequently done. For instance, local newspapers may borrow very few B.S. elements in order to transmit efficiently information to the large community.

1.2.7. Grammar

Although Ferguson's view of diglossia requires that H and L be forms of the same language, there are considerable differences in the grammars of H and L. Concerning Swahili spoken in Bukavu, S displays three demonstratives, fifteen noun classificators, the present tense with three aspects when B.S. presents two demonstratives, eight noun classificators, the present tense with two aspects. In syntax, S resorts to some constructions which are overtly different from the ones in B.S., say, an endocentric noun phrase with a demonstrative. This noun phrase will have the demonstrative in initial position in B.S. and final in S. Example, the locative phrase is expressed by the prefixes «mu-« and «ku-« followed by place names in B.S., whereas in S it is expressed by the suffix «-ni» preceded by place names.

1.2.8. Lexicon

For the most part, the vocabularies of H and L and shared. As you might expect, learned words and technical terms like «nuclear fission» exist only in H. At the same time, there are words in L for homey objects such as farm implements and some cooking utensils that have no equivalents in H. But the most striking feature in diglossia, as far as lexicon is concerned, is the existence of paired items, one in H and one in L, for very referred-to concepts. Down in Swahili spoken in Bukavu, S and B.S. share a great many words. But some concepts for which S uses some specific terms and words not existing in B.S. make B.S. speakers resort to borrowings, neologisms, and some S roots of which the meanings have been transformed in B.S.. For example, B.S. can use terms like «bic», «tate», «duru» corresponding respectively to «kalamu» (pen), «mama/baba mkuu» (grandparent), «mpumbavu» (stupid person). «Bic» is a borrowing from French, «tate» is a neologism, «duru» is an S term, meaning «circle, wheel», of which the meaning has been transformed in B.S.

1.2.9. Phonology

There is a substantial range of differences between H and L phonologies, as the case of Swahili spoken in Bukavu will illustrate it. None the less, Ferguson, thinking in terms of phonemic theory of phonology that was prevalent in 1959, says it is a valid generality that the «sound systems of H and L constitute a single phonological structure of which the L phonology is the basic system and the divergent features of H phonology are either a subsystem or parasystem» (Ferguson 1972:244, quoted by Fasold 1984:38). Concerning Swahili spoken Bukavu, the B.S. sound system seems to have more phonological features than S. B.S. uses sounds from vernacular languages and from French, which do not exist in S. For example, the fricative bilabial /â/ from vernaculars, the fricative uvular /R/ and nasal sounds from French used in B.S. do not exist in S. Moreover, B.S. uses relatively more phonological rules than S: the S sounds /w/, /v/ change into B.S. /b/ or the fricative bilabial/â/, apocope (the loss of final sounds) on S words, haplology (loss of the sound /h/ because of similarity with vowels), epenthesis (introduction of an extra medial sound) and prothesis (introduction of an extra initial sound) as the following cases illustrate the rules respectively:

1.3. Ferguson's complete definition of diglossia

DIGLOSSIA is a relatively stable language situation in which, in addition to the primary dialects of the language (which may include a standard or regional standards), there is a very divergent, highly codified (often grammatically more complex) superposed variety, the vehicle of a large and respected body of written literature, either of an earlier period or in another speech community, which is learned largely by formal education and is used for most written and formal purposes but is not used by any sector of the community for ordinary conversation.

1.4. Summary

The relevant literature on diglossia has clearly shown how a single language may be looked at in more than one linguistic variety displaying some considerable differences specific to each variety.

When Ferguson conceived the very literature, he assigned each of the two varieties -in accordance with diglossia- different qualifications. He noticed that there was a variety that was mostly used for formal purposes. He called it the «High variety» or H. In addition, the other variety was mostly used in informal environments for amicable chats, homey talks and the like. He termed it the «Low variety» or L.

Concerning Swahili spoken in Bukavu, it has been noticed that it is a diglossic language. That is, it has two linguistic varieties. Its high variety has been looked at, in this

study, as «Sarufi» (or S) and the low variety as «Bukavu Swahili» (or B.S., for short).

Ferguson's description of diglossia in nine rubrics viz. function, prestige, literary heritage, acquisition, standardization, stability, grammar, lexicon, and phonology, showing how the low variety displays some linguistic differences in comparison with the high variety, has been adapted to the diglossic situation of Swahili spoken in Bukavu. This description has been criticized in light of the way Swahili is handled in Bukavu.

In light of diglossia, some account on the methodology to use in order to achieve this study will subsequently be the core of the next chapter.

ENDNOTES

Byabene, K. 1980. Quelques Aspects de la Grammaire Générative et Transformationnelle du Swahili Parle à Bukavu. pp 8-64

Chapter 2. METHHODOLOGY

2.1. Introduction

This chapter is devoted to the description of the methodology implemented in this study. The latter has observed some methodological steps. These consist of the technique in the collection of data, types of methods and the presentation of data after which a summary will be provided.

2.2. Collection of data

Data were collected through oral sources among Swahili speakers of Bukavu. These speakers were randomly selected. They are of various ages, education levels, tribal origins, and quarters. They helped me become aware of their choice of words. To cope with these speakers, I got involved in chats and conversations with them as they were speaking Swahili. Listening to and interacting with them led me to select some words constituting my check list. I did not take into account any words but those which comply with diglossic functional distribution. That is, a concept had to display two distinct lexical features, each belonging to a variety of this Swahili spoken in Bukavu.

2.3. Types of methods

Three types of methods -observation, interview and documentation- have been implemented to achieve this study.

2.3.1. Observation

I observed the check list through validation of lexical distinction for a concept, in accordance with functional distribution. That is, I did not take into account a concept that did not display two different lexical features (one in S and the other in B.S.).

As observation alone could not lead me to accurate data, I had recourse to interview.

2.3.2. Interview

Some oral questions led me to contact thirty-three informants whose answers let me be informed on the meaning of some words, the use of the words and their origins. Therefore, I based on three main questions:

As Kambale Baha(2007) declares:«Informants are notorious liars!», I had recourse to documentation to seek for the veracity of the information by my informants.

2.3.3. Documentation

Reference to books and articles is inherent to scientific research. I read books and articles to back the diglossic realities on Swahili spoken in Bukavu focusing my attention on lexical features, to check the originality of the data.

All the three methodological tools elaborated above, the data which this study is wholly made up of are presented below.

2.4. Presentation of data

The data are made up of a twofold list of words, that is, diglossic words (B.S. words matched with their corresponding words in S). Besides, the following data are based on West's (1) list of words.

B.S.	English equivalents	S
Adresse	address	anuani
Bic	pen	kalamu
Bock	beer	pombe
Masta	man/guy	bwana
Prison	prison/jail	gereza
Choc	sprain	mshindo
Fete	feast	karamu
Grade	rank	daraja
Usine	factory	kiwanda
Objectif	aim	lengo
Bequi(lle)	crutch	tegemeo
Scie	saw	msumeno
Accident	accident	ajali
Bijou	ear-ring	johari
Birhimbo	Elephantiasis	matende
Longo	drool/dribble	Ute
Lukoma	banana plantation	shamba la migomba
Luziba	Fen	ziwa la matope
Musherebera	Lizard	mjusi
Mushega	dirty person	mkoo
Musire	fool	mwenye/mwenda wazimu
mukinga	young girl	binti
kalicho	one-eyed person	chongo
nyonjo	Hump	kigongo
mwami kazi	Queen	malkia
muhya	newlywed	bwana/bibi arusi
popi	Doll	mtoto wa bandia
kikomo	Bracelet	bangili
mulibo	Larynx	koromeo
masunga	Yam	viazi vikuu
sekuseku	hiccough	kwikwi
duru	stupid person	mjinga
bikoloto	Coin	pata
kasa	Albino	Mazeru
sambaza	Fry	dagaa
nyanya	Eggplant	Mbiringanya
mateka	Grease	Mafuta
mutai	Money	Pesa
lipondo	Crab	Kaa
tate	Grandparent	baba/mama mkuu
blanc	White	-eupe
jaune	yellow	Kimanjano
bleu	Blue	Samawi
hypocrite	Hypocrite	-nafiki
rouge	Red	-ekundu
gaillard	Big	Kubwa
propre	Clean	Safi
mwenyi/mwenye	Whosoever	yeyote/ wowote
zimoya	Same	vile vile, sawa sawa
-nye	who/which/where...	-ye, -o
Kuhopa	to hesitate	kusita
Kubasa	to hit	Kupiga
Kusheshera	to funnel through, intrude	kujipenyeza
kujabika	to dive	Kuloweka
Kushwa	to become	Kuwa
Kualler	to go	Kuenda
Kudaye	to die	Kufariki
Kupreparer	to prepare	Kuandaa
Kuuza	to buy	Kununua
Kuuzisha	to sell	Kuuza
Kudoda	to have a lift	kubebwa na
Kuzibula	to beat	Kupiga
Kushamula	to confiscate	Kunyanganya
Kutinga	to await	Kungoja
Kuchunga	to await	Kungoja
Kukera	to buy candies...	Kununua
Kukanga	to confiscate	Kupokonya
Bien	Well	Vizuri
Sanasana	Mostly	Hasa
Après	After	Baada
Busubui	at dawn	Alfajiri
Lote	for ever	daima,milele
Aiko vile	No	Siyo
Ata	No	Hapana
Na	by means of	Kwa
Mu	Through	Kwa
Mu	In	Katika
Wala...wala...	Either...or...	ama...ama...
Kama	...that...	kwamba ...
Juu	Because	Kwani
Na	Nor	Wala
Elo!	Please!	ewe!
Ema!	Gosh!	je!
Neci(wa)!	No!	E-E!
Yee/yi!	Hey!	mbona!
Kusupa	to court	Kutongoza
Kucipu	to steal	Kuiba
Kunyuka	to beat	Kupiga
Kusaver	to know	Kujuwa
Kukcalculer	to calculate	Kuhesabu
Kuguetter	to see, watch	Kuona
Kuvener	to come	Kuja
Kuintimider	to intimidate	Kutisha
Kusinga	to court	Kutongoza
Kusquiver	to escape	Kutoroka
Kasonga	Stool	Kibao
Koroboyi	Tin	Kibweta
Makiki	Eyebrows	Unyushi
Vodo/zegebe	Buttocks	Matako
Mashindano	exam, test	Mtihani
Kipolo	Leftovers	Mwiku
Crayon	Pencil	kalamu ya risasi
Maheshe	Chimpanzee	Sokwe
Faux	Bad	Mbaya

2.5. Summary

All the methodological tools involved in the achievement of this study have been sketched above. Data collection was connected to three main types of methods. These have been observation (through a twofold check list), interview and observation. Thanks to these methodological tools, some lexical analysis of the two varieties (B.S. and S) will be the core of the coming chapter.

West, M. 1971. A General Service List of English Words with Semantic Frequencies on a

Supplementary Word-list for the Writing of Popular Science and Technology. pp 1-582.

Chapter 3. DIGLOSSIC ANALYSIS OF LEXICAL FEATURES IN SWAHILI SPOKEN IN BUKAVU

3.1. Introduction

This chapter is devoted to a lexical analysis of the two varieties of Swahili spoken in Bukavu. Concerning lexicon, Hornby (2001:681) says it is «all the words and phrases used and known by a particular person or group of people.» Meanwhile, the lexical classes in focus in this study are nouns, adjectives, pronouns, verbs, adverbs, prepositions, conjunctions, and interjections.

3.2. Nouns

3.2.1. Noun classificators

S displays more noun classificators than B.S. does. Basically, S counts fifteen noun classificators when B.S. counts only eight. The charts hereafter illustrate the statement.

Cl	N.P.	A.P.	D.P.	V.P.	O.I.	Examples
Cl1	mu- ô-	mu- mu-	yu-/u- Yu-/u-	a- a-	-mu- -mu-	Mzee mzuri ule anachoka. Nitamsaidia Dada mzuri ule anachoka. Ninampenda.
Cl2	wa-	wa-	wa-	wa-	-wa-	Wadada wazuri wale wanaimba. Ninawapenda
Cl3	mu-	mu-	u-	u-	-u-	Mti mrefu ule unaota. Nitautunza.
Cl4	mi-	mi-	i-	i-	-i-	Miti mirefu ile inaota. Ninaipenda
Cl5	ji- ô-	li- li-	li- li-	li- li-	-li- -li-	Jino lizuri lile linauma. Nitaliongoa. Tunda lizuri lile linaota. Ninalipenda
Cl6	ma-	ma-	ya-	ya-	-ya-	Matunda mazuri yale yanaota. Nitayatunza
Cl7	ki-	ki-	ki-	ki-	-ki-	Kisu kibaya kile kinaumiza. Nitakitupa.
Cl8	vi-	vi-	vi-	vi-	-vi-	Visu vibaya vile vinaumiza. Nitavitupa
Cl9	n-	n-	i-	i-	-i-	Ngombe nzuri ile inagonjwa. Nitaitunza
Cl10	n-	n-	zi-	zi-	-zi-	Ngombe nzuri zile zinagonjwa. Nitazitunza
Cl11	u-	mu-	u-	u-	-u-	Ubao mzuri ule unangaa. Tunaupenda
Cl12	ku-	ku-	ku-	ku-	-ku-	Kuzaa kuzuri kule kunapendeza. Unakupenda.
Cl13	pa- -ni	pa- pa-	pa- pa-	pa- pa-	-pa- -pa-	Pahali pazuri pale panangaa. Unapapenda Mezani parefu pale panangaa. Unapapenda.
Cl14	-ni	ku-	ku-	ku-	-ku-	Sokoni kuzuri kule kunangaa. Tutapafika
Cl15	-ni	mu-	mu-	mu-	-mu-	Nymbani mzuri mle munangaa. Tutamuishi.

Cl	N.P.	A.P.	D.P.	V.P.	O.I.	Examples
Cl1	mu- ô-	mu- mu-	u- u-	a- a-	-mu- -mu-	Ule mutoto muzuri anasimama. Ntamuona Ule baba mubaya anacheka.Ntamuita
Cl2	ba-	ba-	ba-	ba-	-ba-	Bale batoto bazuri banasimama. Ntabaona
Cl3	mu- li- n- ku- bu- ô-		i-	i-	-i-	Ile mumea ya muzuri inapendeza. Sitaikata. Ile litunda ya muzuri inaoza. Ntaiongola Ile mbuzi ya mukubwa inakimbia. Ntaitafuta. Ile kucheza muzuri inafuraisha. Tunaipenda. Ile burafiki ya muzuri inapendeza. Sitaiacha. Ile chemise ya muzuri inakatika. Ntaitupa.
Cl4	(ma-)		-(z)i-	-(z)i-	-(z)i-	Ile (ma)mimea zinapendeza. Stazikata. Ile (ma)matunda zinaoza. Ntaziongola. Ile (ma)burafiiki inapendeza. Sitaiacha. Ile machemise zinakatika. Ntazitupa.
Cl5	ki-		i-	i-	i-	Ile kitabu inazeeka. Ntaitengeneza.
Cl6	(ma)bi-		(b)i-	bi-	-bi-	(B)ile (ma)bitabu binazeeka. Ntabitengeneza.
Cl7	ku-		pa-/ku-	ku-	-pa-/-ako	Pa-/kule kusoko kunangara. Ntapafika/Ntafikako
Cl8	mu-		mu-	mu-	-amo	Mule munyumba munangara. Tutaishiamo.

		Class pairing

2.2.2. Noun analysis

Noun analysis has shown that nouns have been characterized by three main facts in B.S. The latter deviates from S through loans from European languages and vernaculars, neologisms, and S nouns whose meanings have been transformed in B.S.

All the loan nouns relating to human beings enter B.S. Cl1 and Cl2, and those relating to things and animals enter B.S. Cl3 and Cl4 for singular/plural distinction. A great many S nouns can be used interchangeably with B.S. borrowings. That is, a B.S. speaker can use either»prof» or «mwalimu».

Nouns from vernacular languages relating to human beings enter B.S. Cl1 and Cl2, and those relating to things and animals enter Cl3 and Cl4 for singular/plural distinction. A great many S nouns can be used interchangeably with the B.S. ones from vernacular languages. They are (or not) characterized by little phonological distinction between the two varieties.

Neologisms are frequent in Bukavu Swahili, corresponding to their S counterparts. They denote the ability for Swahili speakers of Bukavu to coin new words without having to and those relating to things and animals enter Cl3 and Cl4 for singular/plural distinction.

S nouns whose meanings have been transformed in B.S. are not as extended as one could expect them. A list of a few of them appears here below matching with their S correspondences.

There is a thorough and systematic semantic transformation of S terms by B.S. The nouns under B.S. are S terms which refer to different concepts from those which the very nouns refer to in S. In S, »duru» means «wheel/circle», «kasa» is an adverb meaning «less» but has been nominalized in B.S., «nyanya» refers to «tomato», «mateka» means «captive/hostage».

3.3. Adjectives.

Hornby (2001:14) looks at adjectives as being «words that describe persons or things.»The adjectives in focus in this study are qualifying and indefinite adjectives. Both of them are the ones which display diglossic lexical distinction; other adjectives (than the latter) display diglossic phonological distinction. Example, in numeral adjectives, «moja» will be used in S and «moya» in B.S.; in demonstrative adjectives, «huyu» will be used in S and «uyu» in B.S.; in possessive adjectives, «yao» in S and «yabo» in B.S. etc.

3.3.1. Qualifying adjectives

A lot of qualifying adjectives used in S are shared in B.S. with/out morpho-phonological distinction.

For the sake of diglossic lexical distinction, B.S. resorts largely to borrowings from French, corresponding with their S counterparts as illustrated here below:

3.3.2. Indefinite adjectives

Indefinite adjectives in S are shared in B.S. with/out (morpho-) phonological distinction.

As far as diglossic lexical distinction is concerned, the following two indefinite adjectives have been outstanding:

3.4. Pronouns

Hornby (2001:934) says that «a pronoun is a word that is used instead of a noun or a noun phrase.» Hereafter, only relative pronouns are going to be looked into as far as diglossic lexical distinction is concerned. The other pronouns display diglossic phonological distinctions. Example, in personal pronouns subject, «mimi» (I) is used in S and «mi(ye)» in B.S

3 .4.1. Relative pronouns.

The two varieties share different lexical items to express relative pronouns. In B.S., relative pronouns are made thanks to the stem -nye depending on the nominal prefix of the noun it occurs with.

In S, relative pronouns are made thanks to the stem -o- depending on the pronominal prefix of the noun it occurs with, except for the first, second and third persons of singular which resort to -ye-.

Cl	Rel pronouns	Examples
Cl 1 Cl 2	1st person: -ye- 2nd person: -ye- 3rd person: -ye- 1st person: -o- 2nd person: -o- 3rd person: -o-	Ninayecheka/Nichekaye... »I who am laughing...» Unayesoma/Usomaye... «You who are reading...» Anayelia/Aliaye... «S/he who is weeping...» Tunaochoka/Tuchokao... «We who are tired...» Mnaosema/Msemao... «You who are speaking...» Wanaocheza/Wachezao... «They who are playing...»
Cl 3	-o-	Mmea unaokauka/ukaukao... »The plant that fades...»
Cl 4	-yo-	Mimea inayokauka/ikaukayo... «The plants that fade...»
Cl 5	-lo-	Shoka linalokata/likatalo... »The axe that slits...»
Cl 6	-yo-	Mashoka yanayokata/yakatayo... «The axes that slit...»
Cl 7	-cho-	Kisu kinachokata/kikatacho... »The knife which is sharp...»
Cl 8	-vyo-	Visu vinavyokata/vikatavyo »The knives that are sharp...»
Cl 9	-yo-	Ndege inayoruka/irukayo... «The bird that flies...»
Cl 10	-zo-	Ndege zinazoruka/zirukazo... «The birds that fly...»
Cl 11	-o-	Ufagio unaofagia/ufagiao... »The besom that sweeps..»
Cl 12	-ko-	Kufa kunakofika/kufikako... »Death which happens...»
Cl 13	-po-	Mahali panapokosa/pakosapo... »The place that lacks...»
Cl 14	-ko-	Nyumbani tunakokwenda/twendako...»Home where we're going...»
Cl 15	-mo-	Inchini tunamoishi/tuishimo... »The country in which we are living...»

3.5. Verbs

A verb is a word or a group of words that express an action. As far as verbs are concerned, B.S. deviates from S through borrowing verbs from Western and vernacular languages, borrowing S verbs whose meanings are transformed and through neologisms. Examples are provided here below:

Bukavu Swahili speakers resort frequently to verbs from Western languages (mainly French). When these (English or) French verbs are used in B.S., they are treated as any Swahili verb, that is, they comply with the infinitive prefix (ku-) and may be extended through affixation.

This verb in the expression:»Byashwa dur» Things become difficult Mambo yanakuwa magumu ku-shamula Kushamula (Mashi) «to confiscate» ku-nyanganya

The B.S. verbs above are at the same time S verbs. But the meanings they have in B.S. are quite different from those the same verbs have in S. In S, «kuchunga» means «to graze cattle, to look after»; «kukera» «to torment»; «kukanga» «to heat»; «kuuza» «to sell»;»kudoda» «to ooze». In B.S., selling is expressed through extending the verb «kuuza» in order to have «kuuzisha». «Kusinga» means «to rub», in S.

Bukavu Swahili is characterized by neologisms which are not as numerically extended as borrowings

3.6. Adverbs

According to Webster's Comprehensive Dictionary of English Language (1996:21),»an adverb is any of a class of words used to modify the meaning of a verb, adjective or other adverb, in regard to time, place, manner, means, cause, degree, etc.» In accordance with diglossic distinction between B.S. and S adverbs, some account on manner adverbs and negation adverbs is provided hereafter.

3.6.1. Manner adverbs

3.6.2. Time adverbs

In terms of diglossic lexical distinction, the following time adverbs can be mentioned:

B.S. borrows time adverbs from French or bases on S terms that it uses as time adverbs, for the sake of diglossic lexical distinction

3.6.3. Negation adverbs

Diglossic lexical distinction being taken into account, the following negation adverbs have been looked into:

3.7. Prepositions

Hornby (2001:917) looks at prepositions as words or groups of words used before nouns or pronouns to show place, position, time, or method. Swahili spoken in Bukavu has got some prepositions which display diglossic distinction in them. On the basis of diglossic lexical distinction, the following prepositions can be noted:

«Na» is basically an S lexical item whose use is expanded in B.S.; «mu» is as well an S lexical item.

3.8. Conjunctions.

Webster's Comprehensive Dictionary of the English language (1996:276) defines conjunctions as being «words used to connect words, phrases, clauses, or sentences.»The conjunctions hereafter display diglossic lexical distinction:

The conjunctions used in B.S., saving those that may display diglossic phonological distinction, are basically S terms whose use differs from that of S. For the sake of argument, «wala» as a conjunction in S means «neither...nor», «kama» «as, if», »juu» as an adverb or preposition in S means «on top of, above», «na» as a conjunction in S means «also, and...» and is only used in affirmative sentences.

3.9. Interjections

Crystal (1988:423) defines interjections as being «classes of words with emotive meaning, which do not form grammatical relationships with other classes.» Interjections used in Swahili spoken in Bukavu show B.S./S lexical distinction as elaborated hereafter:

In B.S., «Elo!» is used to attract somebody's attention;»Ema!» and «Yee!/Yi!» are used to express surprise. Concerning «Neci(wa)!», Kikuni (1999:19) says that, as a borrowing from Mashi meaning «yes», it is used ironically as an exclamation in a negative answer to interpret as «No!»

3.10. Summary

This chapter has tried to analyze the diglossic distinction existing in lexical items of Swahili spoken in Bukavu. It has been shown that the two varieties of Swahili spoken in Bukavu share different lexical items; that is, the B.S lexical store is in so many ways different from the S one. To carry out this diglossic analysis of lexical features in Swahili spoken in Bukavu, I based on eight lexical classes viz. nouns, adjectives, pronouns, verbs, adverbs, prepositions, conjunctions, and interjections. These lexical classes have displayed significant lexical differences since B.S. deviates from S through borrowings from both Western and vernacular languages, neologisms, and S words of which meanings are transformed. The following chapter is going to focus over some discussion revolving around B.S./S distinction as far as lexicon is concerned

Chapter 4: DISCUSSION OF THE RESULTS FROM THE DIGLOSSIC ANALYSIS OF THE DATA

4.1. Introduction

The analysis of the collected data has led to lexical difference between Bukavu Swahili and Sarufi, both verities of Swahili spoken in Bukavu. B.S. diverges sensibly from S as far as lexicon is concerned. B.S. divergence from S has been analyzed in three different ways. First, it borrows a lot of words from both Western and vernacular languages. Second it resorts to neologisms. Third, it bases on S words of which the meanings are transformed.

Lexical difference between B.S. and S may lead to some communication problems. A B.S. speaker would face some difficulty understanding an S speaker in the use of lexical features, and conversely with an S speaker. Illustration will be provided on 4.3.

The account hereafter is going to elaborate upon the development of diglossia in Swahili spoken in Bukavu and some communication problems that may be encountered by Swahili speakers of Bukavu, especially in the realm of lexicon.

4.2. Development of diglossia in Swahili spoken in Bukavu.

Swahili spoken in Bukavu has been looked at as a language in which diglossia is widely implemented. This means that it has two different linguistic varieties of which one is used for formal purposes and the other for informal ones. The high variety has been looked at as «Sarufi» (or S) and the low «Bukavu Swahili» (or B.S., for short). Diglossia is enhanced in Swahili spoken in Bukavu through three main ways in which B.S. deviates from S, as earlier mentioned in 4.1. Besides, in chapter 1 of this paper, the literature on diglossia by Ferguson, after being adapted to the linguistic situation of Swahili spoken in Bukavu, has widely shown how both varieties differ each from the other in nine rubrics. With the main focus of this study, it has also been shown how both varieties differ in their lexical stores.

The three main ways marking divergence of B.S. from S (borrowings, neologisms, and S words of which meanings are transformed) are going to be discussed here below.

4.2.1. Borrowings

Borrowing words are common currency in Swahili spoken in Bukavu. It is B.S. which largely borrows words from two great sources. These words are borrowed from Western languages (French and English) and vernacular languages (Mashi and Kilega). From Western languages, B.S. borrows such words as «crayon»(pencil), »montre»(watch), «garcon»(boy), «fille»(girl), «intimider»(to intimidate), vert(green), etc corresponding to S «kalamu ya risasi», «saa», «mtoto mwanaume», «binti», «Kutisha», «rangi ya majani». From vernacular languages, B.S. borrows words like «ganywa»(drunkard), «munyere»(girl), «musikila»(boy), «mungere»(shepherd),... matching respectively with S «mlevi», «binti», «mtoto mwnaume», «mchungaji».

4.2.2. Neologisms

These are new words or expressions of words. A considerable number of lexical features used in Swahili spoken in Bukavu are neologisms largely resorted to by B.S. Within Swahili spoken in Bukavu, these neologisms match with their S correspondences.

4.2.3. B.S. semantic transformation

There are words which are used in both varieties but with totally unrelated meanings in each variety. As B.S. is said to be a deviation from S, it is obvious that the former transforms meanings of some S words. It has been said that S words whose meanings are totally semantically transformed in B.S. are not as many as neologisms or borrowings. For illustration, see 3.2.2. (d) and 3.5 (c).

4.3. Some communication problems between B.S. and S speakers.

Some communication problems are likely to arise in the interaction between B.S. and S speakers or S-written documents (as the Bible). Both B.S speakers and S speakers (especially those who acquired Swahili in an East-African country through residence and foreign church ministers) would likely face communication breach when a B.S. speaker uses neologisms or borrowings, or when an S speaker uses terms for which B.S. speakers only use neologisms or borrowings. There will be misinterpretation when either speaker uses words whose meanings have been semantically transformed in B.S. Illustrations will be provided below in possibilities of interaction between B.S. speaker with S speaker and the latter with the former.

4.3.1 B.S. speaker to S speaker

A B.S. uttered message may hardly or not be understood, or misinterpreted by an S speaker. Hereafter are three examples of B.S. phrases that would confuse an S speaker.

A foreign church minister speaking S or a Congolese who acquired Swahili in a foreign country will certainly be misled before phrases of the kind (1) to (3) mentioned above. In (1), s/he would not understand anything because of the loans used in the phrase. In (2), s/he will simply get «muzee» (old man) for «nyonjo» is a neologism. In (3), s/he will misinterpret the B.S. phrase. According to her/him, the phrase reads:»a wheel/circle in a field of tomatoes.»Here, it is the use of S words of which the meanings are transformed in B.S. that misleads an S speaker.

4.3.2. S speaker to B.S. speaker

An S uttered message may likewise hardly or simply not be understood, or misinterpreted by a B.S. speaker. When an S speaker uses words for which B.S. speakers use borrowings or neologisms, or uses words whose meanings are transformed in B.S., a B.S. speaker will certainly be misled. The following three examples of phrases will illustrate the statement in the preceding lines.

In (1) and (2), a B.S. speaker would merely get «sukari» and «nzuri» but not «Kiwanda» and «bangili» because of borrowings and neologisms that B.S. speakers largely resort to. In (3), a. B.S. speaker will as well misinterpret the S phrase. According to her/him, the phrase reads: «to buy eggplants.»

4.4. Summary

The account above has elaborated upon the discussion of the results of this study. The latter has revealed that Swahili spoken in Bukavu is a diglossic language with a special attention paid over lexical features. Diglossic lexical distinction in Swahili spoken in Bukavu leads to some communication problems among Swahili speakers of Bukavu. A B.S. speaker would have difficulty understanding an S speaker's message. An S speaker would likewise have difficulty understanding a B.S. speaker's message.

GENERAL CONCLUSION

«An Attempt to a Diglossic Analysis of Swahili Spoken in Bukavu with Focus on Lexicon» is the main topic that has lit this paper. The latter is made up of four main chapters.

The first chapter has developed a review of the relevant literature on diglossia. This literature -as conceived by Ferguson- has been adapted to the linguistic reality of Swahili spoken in Bukavu. It ha been revealed that this language has two distinct varieties viz. «Bukavu Swahili», the low variety and «Sarufi», the high variety. Both varieties have sketched out in the nine rubrics by Ferguson.

The methodology implemented in the achievement of this paper was the focus of the second chapter. As a matter of fact, data collection was connected to three methodological tools. The latter are observation of the twofold list of words, interview and documentation.

The third chapter, the core component of the whole study, deals with the diglossic analysis of lexical features in Swahili spoken in Bukavu. This analysis has taken into account eight lexical classes embodying lexical features which display diglossic lexical distinction; that is, a concept had to display two distinct lexical features, one used in «Bukavu Swahili» corresponding to its counterparts used in «Sarufi».

An idea on the development of diglossia in Swahili spoken in Bukavu and eventual communication problems among Swahili speakers of Bukavu in the use of words are the main points in the fourth chapter. This discusses the former two points as being the results from the diglossic analysis of the data.

Finally, I acknowledge that this paper is neither perfectly nor exhaustively conducted; it certainly embodies some shortcomings and weaknesses inherent to every human being. Therefore, I wish skilful further researches would be conducted to better or expand this one, or topics like «A Diglossic Phonological/Syntactic Analysis of Swahili spoken in Bukavu» would be worked out.

APPENDIX: List of informants

Names	Profession	Sex	Date of interview	Place of interview
Aristide Lulasha	Librarian	M	April 10^th, 2007	CERDAF/Bukavu
Ezechchiel Masarali	Warder	M	April 2^nd, 2007	Nguba/Bukavu
Masemo Kamwati	Student	M	June 29^th, 2007	I.S.P./Bukavu
Furaha Seza	Idle	F	July 26^th, 2007	Muhungu/Bukavu
Atemka Riziki	Student	M	August 11^th, 2007	Meteo/Bukavu
Sungura Mauridi	Barber	M	July 24^th, 2007	Kibombo/Bukavu
Shukuru Muzenende	Docker	M	June 17^th, 2007	Kadutu/Bukavu
Kikukama Kasngandjo	Trader	M	May23rd, 2007	Kadutu/Bukavu
Wasso Bulangi	Teacher	M	March 14^th, 2007	Essence/Bukavu
Wakuneka Mutingamo	Seller	F	May 15^th,2007	Nguba/Bukavu
Kibukila Wabiwa	Idle	F	February 3^rd, 2007	Muhungu/Bukavu
Amini Lusagila	Driver	M	March 10^th, 2007	Bagira/Bukavu
Namwangu Amisi	Seller	F	August 18^th, 2007	Kadutu/Bukavu
Bawewete Masi	Seller	M	August 20^th, 2007	Kadutu/Bukavu
Lufungulo Kahamire	Docker	M	July 21^st, 2007	Karhale/Bukavu
Jolie Bangi	Journalist	F	July 3^rd, 2007	Kibombo/Bukavu
Maendeleo Muchumbi	Pastor	M	June 21^st, 2007	Nyofu/Bukavu
Paulin Batayirwa	Priest	M	March 7^th, 2007	Muhungu/Bukavu
Bitacibera Celestin	Headmaster	M	March 11^th, 2007	Panzi/Bukavu
Cesaire Maroro	Headmaster	M	March 13^th, 2007	Burhiba/Bukavu
Kyanga Kakese	Mechanic	M	March 17^th, 2007	Nyawera/Bukavu
Bulonza Cirhibuka	Nurse	F	July 17^th, 2007	Panzi/Bukavu
Chirhalwirwa Gervais	Teacher	M	September1^st,2007	I.S.P./Bukavu
Godefroid Ameli	Student	M	January29^th, 2007	Kibombo/Bukavu
Sereka Katikiri	Pupil	M	April 10^th, 2007	Muhungu/Bukavu
Blandine Lwanzo	Pupil	F	April 4^th, 2007	Muhungu/Bukavu
Nyota Mushagalusa	Pupil	F	June 28^th, 2007	Ibanda/Bukavu
Bushambale Mulogwa	Student	M	July 9^th, 2007	I.S.P./Bukavu
Mwamba Mukendi	Pupil	M	March 12^th, 2007	Labotte/Bukavu
Eva Muzalia	Journalist	M	July 17^th, 2007	Kibombo/Bukavu
Mema Mapenzi	Student	F	March 29^th, 2007	Kibombo/Bukavu
Baswa Byabo	Idle	F	June 24^th, 2007	Karhale/Bukavu

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An attempt to a diglossic analysis of swahili spoken in Bukavu with focus on lexicon