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The role of civil society in promoting greater social justice for forced migrants living in the inner city of Johannesburg

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par Dieudonné Bikoko Mbombo
University of the Witwatersrand of Johannesburg, South Africa - Master of Science in Development Planning 2006
  

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3.2.3. Xenophobia and Police Harassment

My informants also highlighted the negative impacts of xenophobia on their day-to-day life in

the inner cit y. Makwerekwere is the term used by the majority of South Africans to label all foreigners from other African countries. Mungoma states that she does not like to be called a Makwerekwere because it makes her feel like a stranger in SA. Xenophobic attitudes in the inner city are expressed differently and can be seen in places such as public health facilities, schools, supermarkets and in the behaviour of the police officers and Home Affairs officials.

To focus the government's attention on xenophobia in the inner city, Emeka, a Nigerian refugee, states:

«Xenophobia is a big issue in Johannesburg. It is a disvalue (anti-value) that should be combated at any levels of the society: schools, hospitals, government departments, even in the public transport system, because it pushes people to ignore the African value of solidarity and may compromise the idea of African unity in SA».

(Interview with Emeka, 2006).

Talking about his own experience in Hillbrow, Emeka emphasises that the majority of South

Africans, including the police officers, believe that all Nigerians are drug dealers. According

to Emeka, the number of Nigerians involved in drug trafficking is very small. He thinks that

the South African government should mobilise its people and teach them how to accept and learn from differences between people, as foreigners die because of the xenophobic attitudes

of local people. Emeka confirms that Nigerians die in the inner city as a result of xenophobia

(ibid, 2006).

Similarly, Jean Krysostome, a Burundian refugee living in Yeoville, claims that many police

officials do not like to intervene in matters relating to foreigners, in the sense that they do not intervene in disputes or conflicts among foreigners. But, when conflicts between a foreigner and a South African citizen arise, most take the side of their countryman. He illustrates the argument by saying:

«... I had a problem with one of my home guy and I went to the police station to ask for police intervention... Two policemen asked me to give them money before helping me. I told them that I did not have money, trying to show them that it was unfair to ask me for money.... One of them was angry; he took me out of their office telling me that their mission is to protect South African citizens, but not foreigners. He also asked me to go and resolve my problem alone with my home guy. I was very surprised and I felt like I was missing my country.»

(Interview with Krysostome, 2006).

According to Jeannette Mbala, a refugee from the Congo-Brazzaville, the xenophobic attitudes of South Africans are based mainly on their refusal to accept cultural diversities:

«They are very sensitive to our fashion and languages. In my country, most of the married women, like me, do not wear trousers like here in SA. We wear traditional clothes that we call pagnes (in French), which make us different from South African ladies. In Johannesburg, if you wear pages everybody can notice that you are a Makwerekwere... Most of people look at you with disdain.... In public hospitals or in clinics, the sentiment is the same. If you dress in

the way I dress, some nurses, especially blacks, cannot treat you with the same respect as other people. It is easy to notice it because they can ask you questions such as where are you from? When are you going back to your home country? Why are you here in Johannesburg? How do you feel with such fashion? These kinds of questions make me sick».

(Interview with Mbala, 2006).

Banks are also places where FMs experience xenophobia in the inner city, as Mouhamer (an

Ethiopian refugee living in Yeoville) and Emeka describe. Both, Mouhamar and Emeka

express their concerns about the suspicion that South Africans have vis-à-vis foreigners when

they go to the bank to withdraw money or make some transactions. Emeka, for instance, states that «when they see my physical appearance, listen to my accent, and notice that I am from Nigerian, everything can change... sometimes they can ask me where did I get my money and

so on» (Interview with Emeka, 2006).

According to Mouhamar, the decision made by several banks in SA to exclude FMs from opening bank accounts is based on xenophobia. «First National Bank (FNB) is the only bank that allows refugees and asylum seekers to open bank accounts» (Mouhamar, 2006). Mouhamar does not understand why other banks, such as the African Bank of SA (ABSA), do not allow FMs (especially asylum seekers) to open bank accounts.

These, and many other issues raised by my informants suggest a need for greater social justice

for FMs living in the inner city. This suggestion is also confirmed by some members of CSOs,

as the next section will emphasise.

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