| 2.3. Civil Society, Planning, and Power Relations.Governing a city is not the concern of the city council alone.
Good governance should involve members of the LG, CSOs and  other social actors
in order to preserve the right of the least advantaged communities. This
section aims to define the concept of `civil society' in relation to urban planning and to analyse the power relation between
planning and politics. 
2.3.1. What is `Civil Society'?First of all, it is important to note that there is not only one
definition of civil society. For the purpose  of  this  research,  the  most  illustrating  definition
 of  this  concept  is  the  one  by  the London School of economics (LSE) Centre for Civil Society, which
states that: «Civil  society  refers  to  the  arena  of  uncorked 
collective  action  around  shared  interests, purposes  and  values.  In  theory,  its  institutional
 forms  are  distinct  from  those  of  the  state, family and
market, though in practice, the boundaries between state, civil society,
family and market  are  often  complex,  blurred  and  negotiated.  Civil 
society  commonly  embraces  a diversity  of  spaces,  actors  and 
institutional  forms,  varying  in  their  degree  of  formality, autonomy and
power.  Civil societies are often populated by organisations such as registered
charities,    development   non-governmental   organisations,    community  
groups,   women's organisations,  faith-based  organisations,  professional 
associations,  trade  unions,  self-help groups, social
movements, business associations, coalitions and advocacy groups». (LSE cited in Wikipedia, 2006). This  definition  portrays  CSOs  as  an  ensemble  of 
organisations  (outside  of  the  state  and market structures) representing
the interests of residents and promoting some values such as democracy and
human rights. The CSOs have some common features, such as autonomy, and appear
as a counter-power to state institutions in the interest of people,
particularly the least advantaged (including FMs). From  a  planning  perspective,  my understanding  of  civil
society is  based  on  Marris  (1998), Douglass  and  Friedmann  (1998)  who 
attempt  to  define  this  concept  in  a  way  relevant  to planners, 
insisting  on  the  fact  that  these  organisations  are  vehicles  of  social
 justice  for  all, particularly  for  those  marginalised  groups  such  as 
FMs.  According to  Marris,  for  instance, civil society represents «a
way of thinking about power and the state». He demonstrates that
non-governmental organisations (NGOs) can mobilise people and governments on
both local and global scales by setting agendas, challenging governments,
monitoring the implementation  of  policies  and  carrying  out  research.  To 
do  so,  CSOs  employ  the  skills associated  with  the  profession  of  urban
 planning,  namely,  applying  knowledge  to  action, defining  issues, 
mobilising  participation  and  reconciling  conflicts,  evaluating  the 
potential impact  of  policies  and  their  performance,  and  designing  a 
framework  for  collaboration (Marris,  1998:12).  Friedmann  (1998)  considers
 civil  society  as  a  way  of  «thinking  about power  and  the 
state»  and  seeking  to  address  the  social  needs  of  all  those 
residing  in cities (Friedmann,  1998: 20). This justifies my preference for
CSOs as advocacy groups that may facilitate greater social justice for FMs, as I will show in
Chapter Four of this report. Friedmann also portrays civil society as «a collective actor
in the public domain, particularly in the urban domain, which is the domain of planning»
(Friedmann, 1998: 29). CSOs may act efficiently   for   `social  
transformation'    by   facilitating   greater    social    inclusion,   self-
development,  and  «a  form  of  social  justice  that  acknowledges  the 
different  priorities  of different groups» (Friedmann, 1998: 34). In
other words, the politics of civil society «aims at the removal of artificial obstacles that  limit each person's
chance  to development her or his innate abilities to the fullest possible
extent» (ibid, 1998). Through this statement, Friedmann emphasises the
emancipatory character of the politics of CSOs, and  he clearly describes the
transformative role of those organisations in the promotion of a more inclusive
city. Marris  and  Friedmann  portray  an  image  of  a  civil 
society  capable  of  questioning  and challenging  state  institutions,  via 
social  transformation  possibilities.  The  question  that  then arises  from
this  perspective concerns  the  relationship  between planning and  CSOs.  In
other words, how can planners interact with members of CSOs towards social
transformation? |