1.2.2.2- The realist theory
Contrary to the idealists, the realists argue that democratic
institutions are identified with limited capacity to deal with risk of conflict
recurrence in a divided society since they are vulnerable to lingering
disagreements about power sharing arrangements and hence rendering
opportunities for continued insurgency to take place (Hegre & Fjeld, 2010).
They hold the view that the first priority in the peace building and
reconstruction process following an internal conflict is state-building
designed to expand governance capacity and establish conditions of social
cohesion, order and stability, national unity, the rule of law, and the
exercise of effective authority. For the proponents of the theory,
«State-building» is understood as an essential pre-condition for
subsequent developments towards democracy, through the
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usual mechanisms of holding competitive elections,
strengthening legislatures, and establishing independent checks and balances
upon the executive. Proponents of the realist view were motivated by the
political experiences of states beginning from the post-colonial African
nations up to the recent cases of civil unrest in states like Iraq,
Afghanistan, Syria and some states in Africa. Fukuyama (2004) emphasizes that
state building specially in multicultural societies require authorities to use
force to disarm the militia and establish legitimate control over national
territories. If elections are held prior to accomplishing such processes,
internal conflicts may be frozen prolonging instability. More over Toft (2010)
argues even to the extent of the fact that civil wars ending with military
victories, where one side maintains control of the military and police,
generate more durable order and stability. Particularly they claim that
elections are especially dangerous if held early in any transition process,
before the mechanisms of political accountability, institutional checks and
balances, and a democratic culture have had time to develop (Edward & Jack,
2007).
Finally with regard to the current Malian crisis, there is
fair deal of practical experiences representing the realist view as most of the
initiatives to deal with the turmoil were inclined to the military option as
priority measure in state reconstruction. The government with the support of
forces from the French and the African led Support Mission to Mali (AFISMA) and
later on MINUSMA, the G5 forces perused a military campaign to curb the rebel
forces.
As a conclusion, each theory offer useful tools and insights
in the study of intra-state conflict analysis and conflict settlement. Yet,
with regard to the complexities of armed conflicts, in particular the armed
conflict in Mali, no single theory exits that can comprehensively explain them
by itself. So, this accounts for why I have integrated all these theories that
I consider to be complementary for a better understanding and settlement of the
armed conflict in Mali.
1.3- The African Union and the conflict intervention
framework.
Prior to the birth of the AU, the OAU Heads of State and
government recognized in their declaration in 1990 that the prevalence of
conflicts in Africa was seriously impeding their collective and individual
efforts to deal with the continent's economic problems. Consequently, they
resolved to work together toward the peaceful and rapid resolution of
conflicts. During the OAU Summit held in Cairo in 1993, African leaders
established the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, and Resolution
(MCPMR). In doing so, they recognized that the resolution of conflicts is a
precondition for the creation of peace and stability, and a necessary
precondition for social and economic development (UN, 2004:1). However, while
this initiative thrust the OAU into the center of conflict management efforts
in Africa, the reality is that the pan-African organization never became a
principal player in the peace processes
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in Africa (CSIS, 2004:2). This is why it was found necessary
to transform the OAU in African Union with new policies and perspectives.
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