Critical analysis of the Democratic Republic of Congo national tv coverage of the 2011 elections. Case study of Kinshasa city

5.2 BROADCASTING

The radio landscape has experienced an extraordinary development for ten years. For the city of Kinshasa alone, there are 40 stations that broadcast in FM. A census conducted in 2008, with the support of UNICEF, FAO and UNESCO, in the context of the implementation of the development strategy (RDS) broadcasting of Government, identifies more than 378 radio stations (of which about 280 emit actually). Our own census in counted 34111, four years after the first survey conducted by the Institute Panos Paris, which identified 106 stations12.

The Congolese radio landscape thus consists:

· a public broadcaster, the RTNC (radio-television national du Congo), which has two channels in Kinshasa and (theoretically);

· 133 radio community, associative, academic and educational (non-commercial);
· 104 denominational radio stations (most of which are radio stations say "Evangelical" or "messianic" churches of awakening-related);

· 91 commercial private radio stations;

· A radio of the Mission of the Organization of the United Nations in the Congo (MONUC), called Radio Okapi.

In addition the international radio stations in FM: Radio France International (RFI, pre - feel in six cities), Africa n ° 1, British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) and radio television Belgium Francophone (RTBF) - available on FM in Kinshasa only.

The Press Act of 1996 sets the conditions for the establishment of an audio - visual business, but the latter are hardly regard13. In Kinshasa, the licenses are granted by the Ministry of post, telephone and Telecommunications (PTT), and then the permissions issue is issued by the Ministry in charge the council14. In the province, the modalities for registration of radio range. The majority of radio stations that broadcast feature a ...

2.2.1 THE VIABILITY AND INDEPENDENCE OF MEDIA COMPANIES

Beyond the limitations to the exercise of freedom of expression, the Congolese media face permanently with problems of survival.

The viability of the media is hindered by two factors for the local market: on the one hand, the economic environment is not conducive to the development of the information sector; on the other hand, the internal structure of the media is often an obstacle to greater profitability.

a) The parameters of the market

To survive, the Congolese media must reach balance their costs and profits. Costs consist mainly by the cost of investment (equipment and inputs), costs (rent, electricity and wage costs) operation and taxes and taxes. Revenues mainly reside in the proceeds of the sale (for print), advertising and announcements, as well as any subsidies.

In the current context, the loads are numerous and reduced revenue, which hinders the development of media and their ability to provide quality productions.

b) Elements on the budgets of the Congolese media

It is difficult to present a budget type, because companies work with very differentiated economic models on which they are, for the most part, reluctant to communicate. A newspaper as the potential requires a monthly budget of about 40,000 US$ to ensure its daily publication, while radio and television which belong to the same group (Radio 7 and TV 7) work with 10,000 US$ per month. Radio Maendeleo needs, meanwhile, an annual budget of nearly of 400,000 US$, is 33 000 US$ per month.

The Mwangaza RT in Lubumbashi has a monthly budget of approximately 25,000 US$, while a great chain Khan as RTG @ or Digital Congo spend about 120 000 US$ per month. At the other extreme, some newspapers just 200 US$ which cover their bills printing to appear on the market and the small community radio can survive with 10 000 US$ per year! Some figures are provided here for information only.

3. Consequences of the elections in 2011 in the DRC

In their advocacy Document on the election issues in the DRC of the Mission of the MEP published dated from 9 to June 13, 2014, Mariya Gabriel (head of the election observation mission of the European Union in the DRC in 2011), stressed in his report that the presidential elections of November 28, 2011 were marked by significant gaps in terms of preparation and numerous irregularities during the collection and compilation of results.

As a consequence, the credibility of the election results has been seriously questioned. Congolese and international observers have clearly pointed to the harmful role of the independent National Electoral Commission (CENI).

The 2011 elections have led to a crisis of legitimacy now exacerbated by the blow given to decentralization, as well as by the postponement of provincial elections in 2012 and the local elections, expected since 2006.^12(*)

In its general report on the elections of 2011 in the DRC the European Union's electoral observation mission stresses that the absence of the Constitutional Court has also created serious problems of electoral disputes anti-press even the results of the elections.

So therefore, the electoral law stipulates that the Constitutional Court is responsible for judging the electoral disputes but this has still not been installed. The organic law on the Organization and functioning of the Constitutional Court, voted in his time to February - March 2011 by the Senate and the National Assembly, had been forwarded to the head of State for promulgation.

However, in making use of the powers specifically conferred by the constitution, the President of the Republic declared it non-conforming to the constitution and he returned it for amendment. At the request of the President, this Act was amended by the Parliament and the Act was again sent to the President for promulgation; what has not been the case so far.

Observers are unanimous: coupled elections, presidential and legislative, November 2011 in the DRC have been calamitous. Worse than 2006. The Congolese Carter, the European Commission, the United States, France, Belgium, the Episcopal conference, NGOs from all walks of life join in deploring the failures of the first consultation organized by the Congolese themselves to the difference in the election of 2006, supervised by the international community, MONUC (the UN Congo Mission) and CIAT (International Committee for support to the Transition).

Their footsteps, the Western press in unison denounced the electoral fiasco, the opacity of the operations of counting involving the credibility of the results. Naturally, the losers cried fraud.

Border province

Limit of territory

Percentage by territory

Electoral map of the DRC

Disputes under the terms of the law ought to be brought before a Constitutional Court under the Constitution of 2006, but it was not created and this is the Supreme Court of Justice, which was only competent to electoral disputes. Gold members of this Court have been mostly appointed by the President that bold by appointing new members during the election campaign, which calls into question his impartiality.

In an article written following a visit in Kinshasa at the time of the elections, Jean-Claude Willame reports a Vital Kamehre remarks: ' in Congo it is always 'you win, or you win', but never ' you win or you lose. The thought of losing is itself inconceivable for the holder of the power. This is not specific to the DRC, the example of Côte d'Ivoire and the refusal of Laurent Gbagbo to accept his defeat is in the memories.

The power is not in this case merely material benefits to which it gives access: deeper "belly policy" is a policy of being it. I dominate so I'm. The arena of power excites endless impulses of the dominant male. If the ruse is not enough, ultimate arbitration returns to the force. Such attitudes seem particularly entrenched in the representations and political practices in Central Africa forest.

Chapter Three: THE ROLE OF MEDIA DURING THE ELECTORAL PERIOD

* ¹² POTER, IAN. Elections Training Curriculum: IMPACS Media and Elections Program Cambodia 2003. Phnom Penh : Institute for Media, Policy, and Civil Society, 2003.