Memoire Online - Critical analysis of the Democratic Republic of Congo national tv coverage of the 2011 elections. Case study of Kinshasa city

To help people to take well-founded decisions, it is necessary to have a free press. Not only the media must be free, but they must be serious and trustworthy. They must be free to express different viewpoints.

Whatever the place, journalists have established principles and criteria enabling them to provide credible information. Unfortunately, there still exist journalists who are forced to work under duress imposed by governments or by powerful interests that interfere with professionalism.

Generally, media that ensure the campaign coverage, whether private or state should be impartial in their presentation of candidates, political parties and campaign themes and the validity of elections and the consequences in case of bad choice of leaders at all levels.

The main objective of this study was to analyze the work of a public media during elections. The principles of a good mediator it must play to give access to all has credible information and well treated, took no part and independently as recommended by the journalist profession.

We have also listed some principles of art can help all journalists in the exercise of their work.

None scientific research, no thesis has never been scientifically full, that is why we like to clarify that this study known the shortcomings which others researchers will continued in the same direction to complete what we have not said. We have done our best to be clear and precise finally allow those who will read to us understand and understand how good election coverage by the media may be held.

Our thanks to Creator God who gives us his breath of life to reach the stage of life are.

We extend our thanks to all the most distinguished teachings of the School of Journalism and communication of Hebe University and particularly to Professor Han Xin Li and Dr. Deng for their input and support for the development of this thesis, people good and full of paternal emotion to help African youth in what they do. A good testimony about shall be made of generation to generation for the two people mentioned and that of the whole school filled Journalism of people concerned about the future of youth.

Thanks to all my family that despite the social difficulties she knows keeps us encouraged continued this laborious way of scientific research. I remain convinced that this is the best way to be happy. All parents who have always been with us to various boards, cousins, snowfields, nieces, everyone has played an important and special role in our life, thank you very much.

A man of efficiency and noble commitments in the service of his children Anthony WEMBANGOMO Lokombe to whom we once again say thank you very much for fatherly love always and God bless you more.
To my lovely mother Henriette MOMBE KAWOYA, a good mother who is my pride, I love you very much mom.

To friends and acquaintances, those ones who believed in the virtue of brotherhood and friendship, we say thank you and their i can assure all of our continued friendship expensive in cohesion. (Alpha Cissé, Kaelo Sabrona, Mathieu Kanu, Victor Aruwimi, Maria Effiyana, Terry Jocky and Annie).
We say thanks to all of our classmates, we established a good family, that unity between brothers and sisters will always remain even remotely or we will live.
Thanks to all members of the national televisions that have agreed to help us and collaborated to enable us to properly conduct this study.

To people who have contributed in one way or another in the preparation of this thesis, we their say a big thank you.

The 2011 elections were constituted for the Congolese population which was branded as a historic moment after 46 years of accession of our country to international and national sovereignty. This is the second time that the DRC is organizing pluralistic elections after the 2006 elections.

Attracted by the value and importance of the choice of leaders through free elections, democratic and transparent processes , many researchers in political sociology, political science, law, political communication, journalism and linguists set their scientific look at this subject. The interest that has led them to devote time to conduct studies on the 2011 elections was more general than to examine how the elections were conducted, how politicians fought to run for positions, how they communicated with their respective constituencies, what role the media played during this specific time or frequency.^1(*)

However, it should be noted that all of these studies have addressed each aspect related to his field of research.

Many authors and media scholars emphasized that the media play different roles in society. For instance Derville reiterated that the media do not always fulfill the same functions as required under the circumstances in which they are used. It turns out that each function of the media corresponds a social need.

Due to the evolution of communication throughout the world, news disseminated by journalists acquires an importance aspect to the public which they are intended to serve. Even if the press is still not able to account for all the events that occur around the world, it nevertheless has a paramount consideration in community life which Mermet calls «time of "the media age ". For him, "most attitudes of men and behaviors are influenced, modified or even caused by the accumulation of information of all kinds."

From this angle, Roland Cayrol certifies that despite the fact that we have multiple sources of information, it is the media that are undoubtedly the main channel in the world by which we managed most of the new policies.

Democracy is still based on the possibility to freely express diverse views and the vote of informed citizens. The media and journalists therefore play a key role in the electoral process by providing the circulation of information and opinions and confrontation. They allow a better understanding of candidates, parties and programs.

They contribute to the effective participation of citizens in the democratic debate, particularly by placing at the heart of the campaign of general interest. Guarantors of democracy, journalists also have a critical role in legitimizing and acceptance of election results, especially in countries of democratic transition or crisis as in the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo. ^2(*)

For his part Francis Balle says, elections can be a factor of affirmation and consolidation of the democratic process, as they can turn into a threat against the peace and stability of States. The path taken by each country depends especially on the degree of involvement of stakeholders, the media, political authorities, institutions, political parties, public, civil society in the electoral process.

A free and fair election is not just the fact to file a ballot in adequate conditions, but also to have access to sufficient information about political parties, candidates and the electoral process to allow voters to make informed and responsible choices.

An election campaign is a period particularly sensitive to political life, in which journalists are subject to intimidation and manipulation, to deviate their attention. There are many examples of electoral contexts in which journalists have been subjected to pressure and harassment. In other cases, they are engines of partisan communication and propaganda.

The pre-election period, election and post-election are crucial times of public information. During these periods and especially to the elections, it is very important for the voters that the information concerning the conduct of the campaign and are media reports are complete and impartial.

To help people to take complete decisions, it is necessary to have a free press. Not only the media must be free, but they must be serious and trustworthy. They must be free to express different points of view. Regardless of the location, journalists have established principles and criteria that allowed them to provide credible information. Unfortunately, there are still journalists who are forced to work under constraint imposed by governments or powerful interests that interfere with professionalism. ^3(*)

This is how the campaign documents advertising, radio, television and print media, the internet, debates and interviews that give candidates the opportunity to present their programs to the public, voters must be covered by journalists filling a recommended profile profession. Media reporting take the form of information, including the importance of electoral participation by explaining with honesty and responsibility to the public, how, where and when to place the vote.

In general, covering political campaign, whether state or private should be impartial in their presentation and profiling of candidates, political parties , campaign themes , merits of elections and the consequences in the case of bad choice of leaders at all levels.

To this end, the work of the media, specifically in audiovisual, multitude of candidates acquires for most cases character check which is more difficult especially in elections or voting that involves a struggle for interests' divergence between the need of power and expectations of the population. A situation that most academicians defined as a clash of democratic values, actions and procedures that eliminate the opponent. In this case the only mediator is the journalist.

However, during elections media coverage other fact finding reports could provide clarification on the voting procedures, contact with sources of electoral information and the candidates.

As proven by professionalism in the harvesting and processing of information and as required by professional ethics, responsibility on the part of the journalist and the media in general has not been the case of the work of the DRC National television during 2011 elections.

It is admittedly true that the search for electoral information by the knights of the pen, presupposes respect for the right to freedom of expression and the principle of the free movement of opinion and ideas.

What made the journalists of the DRC National Television implicitly becoming secondary players, occupying, and unfortunately, complicit in position of good or bad conduct of the 2011 elections which will expand our research on the quality of staff employed by the Kinshasa Congolese National TV station during the period covered in this research.. ^4(*)

Faced with his accomplice position to the success or failure of electoral activities and electoral wherefores, media interference had sometimes led some journalists of national television to affect the integrity of the profession, and even hamper the smooth functioning of the media for the sole purpose of preventing the dissemination of certain information that may reveal the electoral truths and especially in the case of fraud by the ruling power in place.

These professional requirements have pushed us to ask ourselves the following principal question:

ü How Kinshasa Congolese National TV station journalists maintained professional media coverage of the 2011 elections?

ü How to cope with electoral competition of the Congolese National Television in the area of mobilizing human and material resources in order to ensure good media coverage and maintained neutrality?
These questions constitute the major concerns that we will try to answer in this study.^5(*)

1.4 Hypothesis

The fundamental question we asked ourselves allows us to assume that in a situation where election period exist, the media have a tendency to view and ensue effective coverage of political campaign operations that occur to instruct the best in scientifically and technically informed electoral decisions and issues surrounded by ethical journalism.

v For coverage of the 2011 elections, the National Congolese television Kinshasa station has not mobilized suitable and adequate logistics likely to facilitate the pursuit of excellence reporting that research through the dissemination of quality information, that is to say, truthfulness, objectivity and timeliness remained the key principle of modern das journalism. This will enable TV journalists to primarily serve all Congolese citizens regardless of their political color, origin and religion.

1.5 Justification

In fact, many scholars and researchers will ask the question: "Why talk about the media coverage during the 2011 elections»? Are there researchers who have worked on this reality in the Congo? The answer is simple and motivated by two poles:

v In Standpoint theoretical or scientific, this study will allow us to accumulate new knowledge in matters of practicing of the journalism profession during elections and identify requirements to be taken into account in media coverage of not only the events of the election coverage, but also other possible events like disaster and war.

On this subject, theories and information that will be developed in this work will be as our contribution to the world of science. This information whose complexity recommends a high sense of professionalism and knowledge that would make the related disciplines of journalism use it to understand the tricks of the journalism profession;

v On the personal level, this work will equip me more on the elements that can enrich my knowledge as a journalist and colleague journalists particularly on the roles and principles of TV journalism during the pre-election period, election, and post-election in the DRC. ^6(*)

1.6 Aims and objectives

In conducting this study, I am pursuing a fundamental objective, namely to assist any journalist to understand the meaning of "social responsibility" in his/her profession.
I want to make available to media professionals a practical tool that can help well-conducted election coverage regardless of the continent or country where it is located.

Our desire in this rate is largely due to the fact that conflict always exists in elections period but through the work of journalists these conflict can significantly decrease in Africa and particularly in the DRC after the publication of this research.
That journalists becoming more professional in their duties to inform the citizens by upholding the principle of neutrality.

1.7 Scope and Limitation

The Democratic Republic of Congo has 10 national television stations, and many radio stations , added therefore is the great city of Kinshasa TV station which is the capital relayed by the provincial stations for major events. National TV Headquarter is base in Kinshasa with more than 1,200 officials and reporters in five departments. To conduct this research, I will narrow the field of study with the great national television station in Kinshasa.
This research only covers the 2011 elections which take into consideration the pre-election period, the election period and the post-election period from January 2011 to the November in the same year.

1.8 Significance of the Study

The study will critically analyse the 2011 DRC national elections and the election converge of the Congolese national TV Station in Kinshasa. The study will also unearth the many challenges and succeeses made by the National TV journalists or reporters. The study will also make some sgnificant fact on election reporting code of conduct in DRC and maintaining impartiality in all National TV coverage of the élections

1.9. Research Methodology

To the realization of this study, we use the quantitative method. The latter allowed us to identify airtime on national television that granted the 11 candidates for the presidency of the republic in 2011 elections As for the data collection tools, we used the technical literature and the internet and the data provided to us from our sources in Kinshasa..^7(*)

This is for the documentary technique of harvesting information: definitions, theories and other information relating to the object of the study, as learned from books, dictionaries, previous scientific work of the Internet, etc.

We have also included some political broadcasts of animated propaganda on national television; the goal was to see whether or not she gave interest to the smooth running of the electoral operations in his work.

1.10 Organization of the study

This work is divided into five chapters, the first talk of the introduction, the second chapter focuses on the literature Review, the third chapter deals with the role of the media during the election period, the fourth is spent contenet Analysis of Congolese National TV Coverage, and the fifth was based on chapter Summary, Conclusion and Recommendation.

2.1 MEDIA AND ELECTIONS

The behavior of the media during an election campaign is actually very important. Independence editorial, integrity and professionalism are the cornerstones of a healthy media coverage of the elections. The absence of autonomy or journalistic responsibility may, where it is combined with a too homogenous media landscape, distort the results of the elections.

Yasha Lange in the vademecum on media and elections Council of Europe F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex publishing explains why it is necessary that there is a diversity of media accessible to the various interest groups and supported by various structures. However, this also creates a spirit of competition and could worry, in particular, the proliferation of channels of television and the rise of competition in the broadcasting market. The battle for appropriating the public has a negative effect on the coverage of elections?

Legislation concerning the coverage of the elections by the media is not necessarily restricted to a debate without issue between those who preach for a freedom of speech without brake and those seeking to promote fairness. Pluralism, the editorial independence and journalistic professionalism are indispensable prerequisites recognized by all.^8(*)

At the same time, there is a broad consensus on the limits of the freedom of the press. This is not only to General limitations such as the transgression of civil and criminal legislation in the racist publications, defamation, etc., but also other limitations on coverage of the elections; for example, reports out of the polling stations, before the opening of the polls, would be considered as undesirable by most of the prophets of the first amendment.

The legislation can certainly guarantee it only fair treatment. The experience of many countries and of many media shows the value of self-regulation, internal guidelines and statutes editorials (separating the responsibilities of management and editorial activity).

In several countries, the (public) broadcast media have certain (statutory) obligations. Even if it has no justi?cation philosophical to treat electronic media in a manner different from the written press, the examples show that this dual approach is accepted and meeting a broad consensus.

An overview of the European press to note a remarkable diversity. Some countries have a national press vigorous (United Kingdom, Netherlands). In other countries, the national securities market is relatively low while the regional press is particularly strong (France, Germany).

Some countries have not tabloids rowdy national dailies (Netherlands, France, Italy), while in others this press has the strongest prints (Sweden, United Kingdom, Germany). The number of newspapers sold per 1,000 inhabitants also differs significantly: from 472 in Sweden and 320 in the United Kingdom and Germany to 156 in France and 113 in Italy. Some countries have a long tradition of self-regulation systems (Sweden), while in others; this type of organization is relatively new or missing.

The press of Western Europe markets has been relatively stable over the past ten years. The changes were obviously huge in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. In this region, the traditional strong circulation dailies have disappeared or changed their editorial line and hundreds of new newspapers have been created.

Should keep in mind these differences to explore options in the regulatory field. Countries have often chosen to enact legislation specifically because it was suited to the national media.

The regulation concerning the coverage of the elections by the written press is not speci?c. The general freedoms and restrictions on these freedoms apply. Where they exist, the rules concerning the elections concern only newspapers owned by the State.

"Fundamental freedoms" are valid for the press. Freedom of speech is enshrined in national constitutions and conventions International (Universal Declaration of human rights, international pact of the United Nations relating to civil and political rights, European Convention on human rights or ECHR). Freedom of the press is generally enshrined in national legislation on the press.

Finally, the freedom of information allows the dissemination of information but also implies that citizens have the right to be informed. Some countries have a law on the information and access to information.

These rights are not unlimited. All countries have legislation to protect the rights of the individual and prohibit abuse of freedom of speech. These restrictions are usually on defamation, intrusion into private life, racial discrimination, national security, etc.

The relevant provisions can be found in the law on the press, in special laws on defamation and respect for private life or be provided by other laws, for example the penal code or the civil code. But international conventions also bring restrictions to freedom of speech. For example the ECHR stipulates that the freedom of expression must be guaranteed in any level in a democracy.

Seymour-Ure in The British press and broadcasting since 1945, Oxford, Blackwell and his colleague Manasian, d. in The 1997 British election campaign and the media indicate that the decline of the party press is neither ideological nor the result of a government edict, but imposed by the market.

A newspaper can no longer produce pure for a party propaganda if he wants to have a significant circulation as readers seem to prefer media that clearly take their distance from political parties. In the current competitive market of print media, it is essential to address a wide audience reflecting across the political spectrum and not to alienate the moderate electorate.

Another reason is also that affiliation to a political party is not a real problem. The press is generally quite multifaceted and voters have the opportunity to have another point of view by simply buying another newspaper. Therefore, there is no great need that newspapers fully conform to the balance. It is only when no other voice is heard or that it has that limited distribution outside the capital that some print media policy trend can be seen as a problem.

The same authors continue by saying that countries have become aware of the forces market and the plurality and independence of the press and have however not adopted regulatory speci?c for the coverage of elections by newspapers.

There is an exception. State-owned newspapers were asked to observe the principle of equality in their way to account for the campaign. When funding comes from public funds, the corresponding obligation to represent the views of the entire public is justi?able.

This obligation should, however, not be made too strictly, because it could have the counterproductive effect of the newspapers concerned stop purely and simply interested in the subject. In fact, the stories and analyses of campaign may not always be reported purely impartially. Therefore, this obligation must stress the need for an overall fair and balanced approach rather than requiring each article to be "objective".

However, this is not so simple. In Western Europe, the logs of which the State owns have disappeared or have been marginalized. In Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, on the other hand, some still have a major release (not because they are relatively cheap). But far from complete one any "public service" and be "fair and balanced", they often do the opposite. State-owned newspapers are door-word of the Government.

There are many examples of biased Government newspapers. In Russia, for example, State-owned newspapers Rossiiskaya Gazeta and Rossiiskie vesti (respectively organs of the Government and the Presidency Russian) strongly supported President Boris Eltsine during the 1996 campaign. This has not only damaged the credibility two newspapers, but this has also raised questions about the effectiveness of the regulations, because they were subject to requirements promulgated by the Central Election Commission "to abstain from any preferential treatment.

Even if they were more balanced, these logs should still overcome the scepticism of the public regarding their editorial independence.

In Central and Eastern Europe and the former USSR, several countries gave a free political advertising space to the various parties in newspapers owned by the State, quite similar to the free advertising time given in most countries on public radio and television channels.

When countries choose this route, you can recommend that political parties may not use this space at their leisure, but in the form of a summary standardized their election manifesto. This right could be granted equally (given that newspapers can increase their volume and that voters who are not interested can easily turn the pages, which are not possible in the case of the broadcast media) and obviously applies to newspapers owned by the State.

However, it should be take care not to overload the newspapers free advertisements, as has been the case of Rossiiskaya Gazeta in December 1995 (parliamentary elections in Russia). The newspaper had published free electoral texts for all parties or blocks.

Because he had only a limited space, this obligation has faced a formal obligation: the publication of the lists of the electoral blocs. Ultimately, the conflict was resolved in favour of the lists. These have filled the pages of the newspaper during the campaign and had however always not been all published the day of the elections.

Paid political advertising in the written press is generally allowed, unlike paid advertising on the broadcast media (see corresponding paragraph). In principle, there is perhaps no valid reason that we make this distinction between the press and the broadcast media (radio and television), yet it is.

There may be to this several reasons: the written press is generally much less regulated. Television advertising has can - be seen as having more influence and it was perhaps feared that the substantial ?nancial resources required by television advertising destroy equality of opportunities.

In countries where paid advertising on television is not allowed, the established parties currently provide large budgets to intervene in the press when the campaign is in full swing. Is it in the interest of the public to curb this practice? The debate is open. However, could consider reducing this practice at a lower level for reasons similar to those that are highlighted in the section on the broadcast media. Editors will oppose is probably arguing that this violates their freedom of speech.

However, this is not entirely true, because this incursion would not editorial. If advertising on television is not permitted or campaign expenses are limited, there is no principled reason to not also limit advertising in newspapers.

2.2. THE MEDIA BROADCAST

The monolithic approach of broadcasting is perhaps a bit obsolete. Laitela, T (1995), and Juusela, P (1991) in Journalistic codes of ethics in the CSCE countries, University note that electronic media are increasingly diversi?ed and competitive, the public can become fragmented. Public television in Europe has over the dominant (or monopoly) position that it once held, and it is often exceeded by commercial broadcasters. In addition, generalist terrestrial broadcasters face competition from more specialized presenters: strings (encrypted and pay) to public targeted and limited, distributed via satellite or cable.

The parties and candidates running a mandate consider television as their preferred campaign media. They organize events specially designed to get airtime: opportunities for photographs, walks, press conferences, tours election (Mr Blair in a factory, Mr Blair in the crowd, Mr Blair talking to people on the street, Mr Blair giving a speech setting the agenda).

Policies also use more of soundbites that pass to the evening newscast and they devote more time and resources looking for the hearing, the marketing techniques and their presentation and television training.

These two developments proliferation of channels and increasing professionalism with which parties and candidates lead and manage their campaign change the face of the coverage of the elections by television in Western Europe today.^9(*)

In articles published in the journal of electoral knowledge (ACE) some authors we demonstrate the media, especially television, are considered more and more important for the electoral campaign and parties and candidates try to appear on television as much as possible. Television is widely regarded as the most important means for the campaign and reaches voters in countries where there is a wide coverage and a large audience.

Any regulation of media activity during elections normally applies to a specified campaign period. There would be an official campaign period during which these regulations apply, otherwise the activity of media will be governed by the usual practice.

The campaign period is the period prior to the election. Nevertheless, pre-election activities generally occur for a longer period than that of the official campaign in the electoral calendar.

In some countries, there are also regulations specifying a period of silence. It's a period or a number of days following before the elections, during which no campaign activity is permitted and there are strict restrictions on what the media can write or broadcast.

During the pre-election period of recent electoral cycles, technology has become more and more dominant. This includes text/SMS by the widespread use of mobile phones, even in rural areas, the use of Smartphones, mainly in urban areas and access to online (such as Facebook or Twitter) platforms via private computers or in Internet cafes.

The media are essential to democracy, ("world day of freedom of the press 2005; Dakar Declaration»,UNESCO,accessedJuly8,2015,http://www.unesco.org/new/en/unesco/events/prizes-and-celebrations/celebrations/international-days/world-press-freedom-day/previous-celebrations/worldpressfreedomday200900000/dakar-declaration/') and it is impossible to hold democratic elections without the media.

Elections are free and fair, require not only that the vote can be held in good conditions, but also that voters have access to adequate information on political parties and the electoral process itself in order to make an informed choice.

An election cannot be democratic without the media, which play a role of monitoring and guarantee the transparency of the process. Indeed, a democratic election without freedom of the press, or with a restricted freedom, would be inherently contradictory. ("Media Play a Key Role in Senegal's Election", International Center for Journalists, may 7, 2012, http://www.icfj.org/news/media-play-key-role-senegals-election)

The declaration issued at the end of the annual international conference of the world day of freedom of the press 2005 notes that "independent and pluralistic media are essential to ensure transparency, accountability and participation, fundamental aspects of good governance and human rights-based development".

In addition, the declaration urges Member States "to respect the function of the media, which are an essential factor in good governance and have a key role to play to make decision-making processes more transparent and accountable and communicate the principles of good governance to the citizens".

In order to fulfill their roles, the media must maintain a high level of professionalism, accuracy and impartiality in their coverage. Regulatory frameworks can help ensure high standards. Laws and regulations should ensure fundamental freedoms indispensable to democracy, including freedom of expression, information and participation.

Certain provisions, including requiring the Government media, funded by the State, to provide coverage just elections and equitable access to the opposition parties, allowing to ensure appropriate behavior of the media during elections.

Media usually means the written press, radio and television. Recently, this definition is however expanded to include new media, such as online journalism and social media. Citizen journalism has the wind in its sails, including in countries where traditional media are controlled or strictly regulated.

The right of voters to complete and accurate information, and their right to participate in debates and dialogue on issues of policy and with the men and women in politics, is a major concern for the media coverage of the elections. At the same time, parties and candidates have the right to use the media as a platform to interact with the public.

In addition, the electoral management body (EMB) needs to communicate information to the electorate and various other groups, including political parties and candidates. The media themselves have the right to exercise freely and to examine the whole of the electoral process. This review is a necessary protection against interference or corruption in the management or conduct of the electoral process.

Lisa Kammerud in An Integrated Approach to Elections and Conflict April 2012 indicates the elections that have marked the African news of 2011 (see benchmark contemporary Africa, n°239, 2011/3, p. 135) have highlighted the role played by the media in these elections. State media accused of massive support to the head of the outgoing State, regulators of communication suspected of being partisan, significant violations of the rights of journalists, in particular those belonging to the opposition close press... Grievances are often redundant.

And yet, so that elections can be classified as free and democratic, not only they must unfold in political and administrative conditions adequate, but it is important that citizens have sufficient access to information relating to parties, candidates and the conduct of voting, in order to ensure that their choice is informed.

So elections are described as fair and transparent all stakeholders should have the opportunity to express themselves and journalists to travel and investigate as part of their work. In short, democratic elections are simply impossible without freedom of the press (Howard, 2005).

3.1 THE CHALLENGE OF ACCESS TO INFORMATION

Finally, to enable citizens to make an informed choice, access to information must be guaranteed. However, three obstacles hinder the movement of complete and rigorous information to all citizens. On the one hand, journalists face significant constraints on access to public information, even when it comes to essential data, such as the constitution of the electoral file, cutting of the exchanges, or the mapping of the polling stations.

In countries that have experienced a State monopoly on the media for decades, the retention of public information remains ubiquitous. Free elections require transparency, where the opacity, deliberate lies and propaganda have been the rule.

This is a radical change in the political and administrative culture that requires improvements both on the side of the agents of the State, which must now communicate, and on the side of journalists who must learn to locate and request the information.

The lack of access to the data can lead the media to relay rumors, fanciful surveys or to unfounded speculation that can have damaging consequences. In the DRC in 20011, as in Kenya next year, media, share and other, presented as confirmed the victory of 'their' candidate, preparing activists to reject and challenge the results then published by the electoral commission. Part and another, the final publication of non-compliance with the expectations generated an explosion of violence.

In addition, the large number of violations of the freedom of the press barrier also research information and led many African journalists to practice self-censorship, particularly in contexts where attacks against their colleagues give rise to no procedure in justice or punishment to officials or sponsors. In countries such as Burkina Faso, Rwanda and Togo, self-censorship of journalists became probably the first obstacle to the right of citizens to access information.

Finally, the entire population access to pluralist information in election period is also hampered by the unequal distribution of media and, often, their low area broadcast. In the francophone African countries in particular, the written press is limited to the capital and the prints are very low, not exceeding a few thousand copies. Even if newspapers go from hand to hand and reach many more readers than there are buyers, dissemination is limited by the high cost of publications.

Only small urban elite settled and francophone can be accessed. Television, which involves a significant investment because of the high cost of TVs and access to electricity, is also reserved for urban and affluent populations.

Central African Republic, Burundi, Congo Brazzaville, Tchad, national television, almost in a situation of monopoly, is barely captured outside the capital. As many private radio stations, they play a great role of information at the local level, but they broadcast in FM, with a range from 50 to 100 km.

In some parts of Chad and the Central African Republic, some voters do not have access to complete information on electoral competition, if sometimes because they receive only radio national or international radio emitting shortwave in languages they do not understand.

3.2 COMMUNICATIVE THEORY OF ACTING IN THE ELECTORAL CONTEXT

Present on all fronts bioethics, Europe or revisionism, Jürgen Habermas is arguably one of the great intellectual figures of our time. Former assistant to Theodor Adorno, considered as the heir of the Frankfurt School. As such, he was deeply influenced by Marxism and criticism of the technical and scientific rationality which instrumentaliserait the nature but also human for the interests of the dominant class.

The publication of theory of action communication constitutes a turning point in the thought of Habermas since it will deviate from the critical theory advocated by the Frankfurt School to be closer to the spirit of the enlightenment by valuing the "communication", which would be only able to produce a democratic agreement. It then includes its desire to respond in public space, which occupies an essential place in his opinion in the functioning of our societies.

Habermas is a particularly difficult author and theory of action communication is no exception to this rule. To do this, the German philosopher built a history of modern theories of Max Weber in Max Horkheimer and Adorno passing by George H. Mead, Emile Durkheim, but also by the achievements of the pragmatics of language with John L. Austin and John Searle to sit his concept of a "communicative reason. Where of course a great abstraction of the book which was the rest well often alleged.

But do not stop at this because the theses of the German philosopher are not less strong and have a decisive influence on contemporary thought. If, in his early works, he did criticism of Western reason as the expression of techno science dominating and alienating, it shows in theory of acting communicational reason also has a communicational function which is spontaneously rooted in language and speech, even in its more everyday forms.

The statements issued by anyone who seeks to understand others have a triple the validity claim: claim to accuracy, claim to accuracy compared to the social context and its standards, and finally claim to sincerity.

This is why it is possible, even in having taken note of the failure of great metaphysical systems, to reach consensus on ethical or political standards by discussing in a reasoned manner. It includes therefore the debate will Habermas with postmodernism.

Postmodern thought no longer believe in the reason: any speech can be that relative because our time has shown that could hardly establish universal norms. Theory of acting communicational shows on the contrary that the communicative reason allows us to break the deadlock and "without dramatizing take leave of the concept of absolute.

4. JURISDICTION MEDIA ANALYTICS

According to DEVILLE, G, in his book the power of the media stresses that the facilitation of human social relationships between the candidates of the opposition and the majority, has paved the way for media coverage. And retain the opinion poll represents much of the media coverage of the election campaign.

Polls are a sophisticated way to quantify public opinion on elections and to know the percentage of voters who share the same views. Political parties make use of polls to find out what voters think of their leader and their electoral program.

Following the results of the polls, the parties sometimes alter their manifestos and the words of their leaders. Generally, by claiming that their leaders are popular, parties are trying to encourage voters to vote for them. Polls can influence on the vote because voters, generally, allow themselves to be influenced by the general trend.

Polls are a source of exciting information in the elections because the political leaders are presented as being in a race in the election. However, the polls are representative only of a brief vision of public opinion at a given time. It could very well change a few days after the poll following new information. Polls attract too much attention and could easily influence elections.

It also other persons who wish to present their views on the elections. There are specific communities of united people not only geographically, but also by common interests, such as, for example, farmers, fishermen, merchants, teachers, etc. These communities might be also the elderly, victims of anti-personnel mines, the relatives of the victims of recent wars, or people belonging to the same caste or tribe, etc.

These communities often express real problems, but they are unable to make themselves heard enough because they are poor, live in remote areas or are victims of discrimination. For media, there is nothing easier than to follow politicians and repeat what they say in their speeches. However, it is imperative that they communicate the voice of minority voters and politicians so political candidates address their problems.^10(*)

There are also experts who provide opinions reflected on the problems and manifestos. It can be teachers universities, or specialists in specific areas such as women's rights, human rights or the rights of employees, or former elected or former elections officials. Experts bring new ideas and offer new perspectives to the voters and the media during the campaign.

Walking shoes voters help the journalist to produce stories. This creates questions to be put to politicians. For example: what is the first thing to which the voter believes? Certainly the security. The voter wants to be reassured that acts of violence will not occur at polling stations and the vote will remain secret. He also wants to know where to head to complaints of threats against him. It is easy to raise these issues in stories collected in local communities or across the country.

Media must inform the electors of the electoral laws. They also interview the police, the electoral commission or the voters who have been victims of violence in the previous elections. The media must know what measures had been taken to deal with such acts in the current election. How do react officials and politicians in the event of outbreak of new violence? Open an investigation? Are they able to put an end to these acts? Are they trying to stop? Voters also want to know the choices about the vote on candidates put at their disposal during the polling day.

What are the names on the list of electors? Voters have the right to obtain information regarding the candidates and political parties. They need to compare different parties' election promises. An objective reportage showing the different promises of parties over a specific problem of the community will give choice more thoughtful voters.

When it starts instead of an elector, it must be remembered a thing it is that the voter wants to know the opinions of its region. The journalist can ask the same questions to members of the same community voter. This method gives an idea about the main concerns of the community voter. For example, the journalist can ask the question to voters: "what is the problem most important you would like that the Government deals with priority?", or "what do you think of the acts of violence that have marked these elections? ''

These questions can be posed to people in a restaurant or people crossing a bridge at a time any day or women who are waiting for the bus at a station. This method is to know the concerns of the citizens in their daily lives. If their responses are similar, this could reflect the opinion of a greater number of voters and therefore, this could be a hot topic. Even if the answers are conflicting, this could be the subject of a report. However, this is only the beginning of a long process.

The journalist must first collect information by asking candidates what their parties will do to meet the needs and concerns of voters. This journalism reflects the voice of the voters.

Journalists should also ask candidates what they think the most important concerns of the voters and also compare their statements with those of the other candidates.

5. THE CONGOLESE MEDIA LANDSCAPE

The Congolese media landscape underwent extraordinary development in recent years, passing in less than twenty years, monopoly a handful Government media to offer abundant, but unevenly distributed. The country has, in October 2008, 341 broadcasting stations (whose one, Radio Okapi, emits on the whole of the territory) and over 600 titles press reported, mostly irregular market. There were also 82 television channels, whose three radio-television national du Congo (RTNC), Digital Congo and radio-television of the future group (RTG @) can transmit via satellite from Kinshasa and be rebroadcast in some provinces of the country.

It is in the city of Kinshasa that focuses the media activity since the capital hosted 51 of these TV channels, issuing clear, as well as 41 stations radio-FM broadcast, the 10 regular dailies in the country, 15 periodicals and about 20 newspapers appearing suddenly (over 125 newspapers reported for this city alone).

Major publications (including the draw capped at 1,500 copies) are therefore published in Kinshasa, while the press of province is periodic and often random publication. Dissemination poses a critical problem given the absence of transport networks and the weakness of the weakness of purchasing power of the potential readership. Newspapers expressed exclusively in French and are generally private belonging to one individual initiative.

In the audio-visual sector, the typology is more diversified. The community and voluntary sector is dominant in the radio field (with 133 radios, whose three only located in Kinshasa), but little present in the television niche (with three initiatives). Commercial private operators (which there were 91 for the whole country) are usually mixed, combining radio and television.

They are encountering 104 denominational operators, related to the Catholic, Protestant, Kimbanguist churches, but also, especially in Kinshasa, the so-called churches "to wake up. Add to this panorama public media (the Congo national radio and television and its local branches), UN radio (Radio Okapi, related to the United Nations Mission in Congo (MONUC)) and international radios available in FM or through stall on the local radio.

Some providers of stories written (four news agencies) and radio - telephone or television programs also play an important role of information, disseminating their own productions or putting them at the disposal of the local media who relay them.

If the offer grows considerably, the statistical study also shows that the Congolese media consumption increases. Equipment rates are very high, especially for the audiovisual sector and urban centers. Radio remains the most common media in DRC with an equipment rate that varies, for urban areas, 97% 92% (Kinshasa) (Goma). In rural communities, equipment rates are sometimes much lower (in the town of Bundu, in Orientale Province, it does only 64%), but the radio still widely ranks compared to other media.

Television talonne radio in major cities: 97% in Kinshasa, 90% in Lubumbashi, 92% in Matadi, 82% in Mbuji-Mayi, 69% in Bukavu, 65% in Goma and 61% in Kisangani. It is much less present in rural communities (between 27% and 60% for the surveyed localities) and ranks in general after the mobile phone.

This last is important in the whole of the country penetration: the equipment rate of 72%, 68% in Kinshasa, 70% in Mbuji-Mayi, 68% in Matadi, 53% in Bukavu, 54% to 45% in Kisangani and Goma. In rural communities, it reaches between 10 and 45%. With respect to Internet users, they are also more numerous: with growth of more than 35% between 2002 and 2007, the Web is frequented by over 230,000 users, in urban essentially.

Consumption practices analyzed by media type and according to age groups, by gender and level of study of surveyed public reveal that the print media and Internet recruiting their hearing from more educated individuals (and), while consumption of radio is widespread in all age and gender groups.

In the audio-visual sector, the duration of daily consumption is large enough. Kinshasa, Lubumbashi and Matadi, it is television that wins (196 minutes per day in women and 158 minutes for males in Kinshasa), far in front of the radio (86 minutes of daily consumption among women and 105 men).

In other cities, it is radio that comes to mind. Women spend more time than men on television and less time than them on the radio. This last is its peaks of hearing in the morning slices around 0700, while television is especially watched the evening, particularly from 8 pm. In rural communities, television and mobile phone are, systematically, more used by men than by women, which is not the case of the radio.^11(*)

Radios, and most televisions vary between cities and the times of the day - born, but it is possible to identify a few stations and successful programs. In the radio landscape, Radio Okapi and Radio France International (RFI) are leading in Kinshasa and Lubumbashi; their morning information slices are particularly popular. In other towns and rural localities, Radio Okapi is often head or preceded by a local radio station.

In television, the public seems more attracted to the entertainment and information: soap operas (issued by Mirador TV or Digital Congo) and sports won a great success, while RTNC, once monopoly, is little more than necessary through his newscast.

The Congolese media pluralism is therefore undeniable, in terms of both the number and diversity of the media, their status (commercial, community, and public), their affiliation or belonging political, religious, ideological, and their implantation and diffusion RADIUS. However, monitoring of the content in these media to measure gaps in terms of quality of the information made available to the Congolese public and the real possibilities of expression of the various components of the population through the media.

Since the liberalization of the sector, announced in 1990, the Congolese media have proliferated in meteoric way and the media landscape is today marked by pluralism faith-sounding. There are thus:

51 TV channels broadcasting in clear, 41 stations of radio broadcasting in FM, 10 regular newspapers, 15 magazines and 20 newspapers appearing out of the blue (on a collection of over 125 newspapers reported);

82 television channels including 3 radio and television national du Congo (RTNC), Digital Congo, and radio-television of the future group (RTG @) broadcast by satellite from Kinshasa and are repeated in some provinces of the country; 341 stations broadcasting (whose one, Radio Okapi, emits on the whole of the territory) and more than 600 titles press reported, mostly irregular on the market.

5.1. THE WRITTEN PRESS

After a period of strong State control (the President Mobutu had authorized the publication of two national bodies, Elima and Salongo, and one newspaper by province), the beginning of the 1990s was marked by the explosion of the private press in Kinshasa and, to a lesser extent, in the province. From 1990 to 1995, more than six hundred (600) publications were registered with the Ministry, but most have hardly exceeded the first numbers. The press, which is essentially political, then shared in 'red' press (radical opposition) and press "blue" or "green" (favorable to the Mobutu regime).

After eighteen years of tumultuous Congolese political history, only a few of these titles have survived; some remaining faithful to their editorial line, other operating sometimes spectacular reversals.

In August 2008, if there are 638 publications registered throughout the Congolese territory, 228 titles just seem the most irregular way. The legal regime under the 1996 press law is that of the prior statement: before launching his title on the market, a Publisher must simply submit to the appropriate service of the Ministry in charge Information, a declaration containing the title of the newspaper, its periodicity and the full identity of the owner and the Director of publication. Some tracks recorded have never experienced their first edition, while others appear on the market before making the slightest administrative approach.

The publications are mainly concentrated in the city of Kinshasa where, on 125 titles currently identified, a small score is published regularly, either daily (potential, the lighthouse, La Référence Plus, Uhuru, the storm from the tropics, Le Palmarès, the observer, the future, the Forum des As, to which is added the daily newsletter of the Congolese press agency) 9, either periodically (The Post, the developer, Numerica The prosperity, tomorrow the Congo, Africa News, the Soft, the Manager Grognon, the alert, potpourri...).

There is no daily outside the capital. There are 65 newspapers reported in Katanga, 19 in the Eastern Province, 17 in Kasai Oriental, 12 in North Kivu, 8 in South Kivu, 11 in Bas-Congo, 5 in Ecuador, 4 in Kasai Occidental and 1 in Bandundu. There is none in the Maniema.

· Bukavu: The banner and the sovereign (only forthcoming actually), Karibu, Kasuku and Kivu Safari;

· In Goma: Info Plus, the primary sovereign, the peacemaker, junction and the scenes (published in blessed);

Print media companies are struggling to ensure their financial survival. With low draws 1,500 maximum copies for the Kinshasa dailies, some newspapers is limited to 150 or 200, a selling price high, inaccessible to the common of the Congolese people (nearly 2 US$ for a Kinshasa newspaper), and an advertising market limited, many newspapers survive occult financing, which seriously compromising their perceived credibility. Often, the press of province appears when she found a "sponsor".

There is the belief that the money is in the policy and that it is through policies, inter alia, by the press that can enrich them. "This is a congenital feature of print Khan in particular: its strong politicization, many titles being born in the lap of a party or a politician. »A Minister, a newspaper", was wont to say in Kinshasa where new titles appear when formed a Government, to disappear when the sponsor Minister loses his wallet.

Except for a few daily newspapers and weekly regular capital, most Congolese newspapers work widely informally and respond little to the appellation of 'undertaking' of press. Many titles are animated by a single person, here and there seeking the collaboration of freelancers when met the means necessary for the publication of an issue. Fifteen newspapers only have a seat; others are made at home or in the workplace of their owner.

Outside the circuit of the "commercial" private press, several thematic publications circulate in the DRC, edited by NGOs or religious communities. Some are derived from cooperation projects that have the ambition the General information of the citizen; they can therefore be considered as actors of the media landscape in its own right.

The Journal of the citizen (JDC) is a weekly supplement of (election of first citizen then) information inserted in eight major newspapers in Kinshasa and sent in the form of photocopies in the province.

Launched in September 2005, jointly by the Panos Institute in Paris and the Association for the Promotion of Education and training abroad (APEFE), under the aegis of the high authority of the media (HAM), it was directed by a team of 7 to 10 freelancers from newspapers partners, placed at disposal of the JDC by their employer one day a week, for a period of three months. Their portion at the JDC allowed these journalists to train for various journalistic genres just usual press Khan and practice information.

Freelance was paid 50 US$ and the editor was paid for the insert of the newspaper in its publication. In August 2008, JDC drew more than 18,000 copies, making it the first draw of the DRC. Distributed in over 35 locations, it was the only title of the Congolese press to have national coverage.

Since September 2008, JDC is transformed into a 'log-school', integrated with the Institute faculty of Sciences Information and Communication (IFASIC). It is now produced by students in the terminal year of the degree course "print media", framed by two permanent. Several newspapers continue to encarter it, now without financial compensation, and its circulation has been reduced to 9000 copies.

The Syfia Great Lakes newspaper is, for its part, a regional project on the DRC, Rwanda and Burundi, led by agency Syfia International (a network of nine news agencies located in Europe and francophone Africa). The Congolese branch of Syfia, called Inter Congo Media (ICM), publishes this publication bimonthly 12-page with the support of French branches (here Labas media) and Belgian (Info South Belgium). The newspaper published a part of the reports and investigations produced by correspondents Syfia lakes in the three countries concerned.

He is fired 4,000 copies and distributed free of charge to organizations that can make it available to their public (schools, parishes, libraries, NGOs, local bodies and local authorities), in ten of the eleven provinces of Congo. It is sold to consumers at points of sale at a price of 200 f.c. (Congolese francs), an amount significantly lower than that of private newspapers.

5.2 BROADCASTING

The radio landscape has experienced an extraordinary development for ten years. For the city of Kinshasa alone, there are 40 stations that broadcast in FM. A census conducted in 2008, with the support of UNICEF, FAO and UNESCO, in the context of the implementation of the development strategy (RDS) broadcasting of Government, identifies more than 378 radio stations (of which about 280 emit actually). Our own census in counted 34111, four years after the first survey conducted by the Institute Panos Paris, which identified 106 stations12.

· a public broadcaster, the RTNC (radio-television national du Congo), which has two channels in Kinshasa and (theoretically);

· 133 radio community, associative, academic and educational (non-commercial);
· 104 denominational radio stations (most of which are radio stations say "Evangelical" or "messianic" churches of awakening-related);

· A radio of the Mission of the Organization of the United Nations in the Congo (MONUC), called Radio Okapi.

In addition the international radio stations in FM: Radio France International (RFI, pre - feel in six cities), Africa n ° 1, British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) and radio television Belgium Francophone (RTBF) - available on FM in Kinshasa only.

The Press Act of 1996 sets the conditions for the establishment of an audio - visual business, but the latter are hardly regard13. In Kinshasa, the licenses are granted by the Ministry of post, telephone and Telecommunications (PTT), and then the permissions issue is issued by the Ministry in charge the council14. In the province, the modalities for registration of radio range. The majority of radio stations that broadcast feature a ...

Beyond the limitations to the exercise of freedom of expression, the Congolese media face permanently with problems of survival.

The viability of the media is hindered by two factors for the local market: on the one hand, the economic environment is not conducive to the development of the information sector; on the other hand, the internal structure of the media is often an obstacle to greater profitability.

To survive, the Congolese media must reach balance their costs and profits. Costs consist mainly by the cost of investment (equipment and inputs), costs (rent, electricity and wage costs) operation and taxes and taxes. Revenues mainly reside in the proceeds of the sale (for print), advertising and announcements, as well as any subsidies.

In the current context, the loads are numerous and reduced revenue, which hinders the development of media and their ability to provide quality productions.

It is difficult to present a budget type, because companies work with very differentiated economic models on which they are, for the most part, reluctant to communicate. A newspaper as the potential requires a monthly budget of about 40,000 US$ to ensure its daily publication, while radio and television which belong to the same group (Radio 7 and TV 7) work with 10,000 US$ per month. Radio Maendeleo needs, meanwhile, an annual budget of nearly of 400,000 US$, is 33 000 US$ per month.

The Mwangaza RT in Lubumbashi has a monthly budget of approximately 25,000 US$, while a great chain Khan as RTG @ or Digital Congo spend about 120 000 US$ per month. At the other extreme, some newspapers just 200 US$ which cover their bills printing to appear on the market and the small community radio can survive with 10 000 US$ per year! Some figures are provided here for information only.

In their advocacy Document on the election issues in the DRC of the Mission of the MEP published dated from 9 to June 13, 2014, Mariya Gabriel (head of the election observation mission of the European Union in the DRC in 2011), stressed in his report that the presidential elections of November 28, 2011 were marked by significant gaps in terms of preparation and numerous irregularities during the collection and compilation of results.

As a consequence, the credibility of the election results has been seriously questioned. Congolese and international observers have clearly pointed to the harmful role of the independent National Electoral Commission (CENI).

The 2011 elections have led to a crisis of legitimacy now exacerbated by the blow given to decentralization, as well as by the postponement of provincial elections in 2012 and the local elections, expected since 2006.^12(*)

In its general report on the elections of 2011 in the DRC the European Union's electoral observation mission stresses that the absence of the Constitutional Court has also created serious problems of electoral disputes anti-press even the results of the elections.

So therefore, the electoral law stipulates that the Constitutional Court is responsible for judging the electoral disputes but this has still not been installed. The organic law on the Organization and functioning of the Constitutional Court, voted in his time to February - March 2011 by the Senate and the National Assembly, had been forwarded to the head of State for promulgation.

However, in making use of the powers specifically conferred by the constitution, the President of the Republic declared it non-conforming to the constitution and he returned it for amendment. At the request of the President, this Act was amended by the Parliament and the Act was again sent to the President for promulgation; what has not been the case so far.

Observers are unanimous: coupled elections, presidential and legislative, November 2011 in the DRC have been calamitous. Worse than 2006. The Congolese Carter, the European Commission, the United States, France, Belgium, the Episcopal conference, NGOs from all walks of life join in deploring the failures of the first consultation organized by the Congolese themselves to the difference in the election of 2006, supervised by the international community, MONUC (the UN Congo Mission) and CIAT (International Committee for support to the Transition).

Their footsteps, the Western press in unison denounced the electoral fiasco, the opacity of the operations of counting involving the credibility of the results. Naturally, the losers cried fraud.

Disputes under the terms of the law ought to be brought before a Constitutional Court under the Constitution of 2006, but it was not created and this is the Supreme Court of Justice, which was only competent to electoral disputes. Gold members of this Court have been mostly appointed by the President that bold by appointing new members during the election campaign, which calls into question his impartiality.

In an article written following a visit in Kinshasa at the time of the elections, Jean-Claude Willame reports a Vital Kamehre remarks: ' in Congo it is always 'you win, or you win', but never ' you win or you lose. The thought of losing is itself inconceivable for the holder of the power. This is not specific to the DRC, the example of Côte d'Ivoire and the refusal of Laurent Gbagbo to accept his defeat is in the memories.

The power is not in this case merely material benefits to which it gives access: deeper "belly policy" is a policy of being it. I dominate so I'm. The arena of power excites endless impulses of the dominant male. If the ruse is not enough, ultimate arbitration returns to the force. Such attitudes seem particularly entrenched in the representations and political practices in Central Africa forest.

INTRODUCTION

It is the key of our research chapter, this in this part we will demonstrate the rules, conduct, and the elements that any journalist said professional must observe during the election period. Applicable to all bases for responsible journalism will be the bulk of this third chapter.

The word election comes from the Latin word, derived from the verb eligere who wants to choose. Commonly, it is said that an election is a choice, a designation of one or several persons through suffrage. The elections are therefore a means by which citizens choose freely the rulers between political trends that are expressed without restriction.

According to MULUMBATI NGASHA, the election is also defined as a mode by which the rulers or power-holders are chosen by the governed.

As Georges BURDEAU, the election is a means through which the elect are invested with a function.

For Pierre DEQUIRINI, elections are the designation of politicians by the vote of the citizens.

William EPENGE sets the election as an important and commonly available to citizens to make known their views and to participate in the development of national policy by designating among them, a small number of representatives who undertake on their behalf and in their place to decide on public affairs.

For ROBERT, the election is also defined as a choice, a designation of one or more persons by a vote. Thus, about the free and democratic elections, we say with Irung TSHITAMBALA that "the election is essence, the Act by which the people chooses its representatives to exercise power in its name.

Therefore, it is a decisive means of expression of the will of the people, of political participation; a peaceful technique by which we become rulers, a process whereby the governed themselves in democratic management today.

It is also an essential element of modern democracy, which is basically representative and which defines itself as a momentum of appropriating the right of the people to designate (by the elections) and to actually exercise this right in its name, for the more and more for all.^13(*)

As for us, the election is a medium that allows people to translate their willingness to participate in the management of the national policy freely designating their leaders or their representatives through the ballot box.

There are several types of elections according to the various levels of administrative districts and according to the different functions that the candidates are called upon to perform, including:

1. Presidential Election: vote to designate the president of the Republic or the head of State. The presidential election is a choice of the supreme authority of the nation passing through the ballot box.

2. Legislative Election: voting for deputies to the National Assembly or the representatives of the people.

Thus, we can enumerate a few guiding principles for a good election: good elections are those that are free, democratic and transparent.

By democratic elections, the people has a Word to say about the decisions that affect the lives of the entire company, therefore govern by institutions and practices of fair rules for all, equal treatment of women compared to men and taking account of vulnerable groups, people living with disabilities, and the challenge of illiteracy , the banishment of any discrimination based on race, tribe or ethnicity, social class, sex, religion and all other characteristics not comply with democratic rules. The only acceptable limit to deprive a citizen of his right to vote remains the law that is impersonal and general.

· Respect of the rules of procedure previously established and clearly defined;

· Communication open through consultation frameworks; recruitment of qualified staff and moral probity recognized;

· The acquisition of reliable material (transparent urns for example, indelible ink, reliable data, ballot information, etc.);

· The establishment of the reliable electoral lists, of partisan observers (political party) and independent (Observer, neutral) of the elections;

· The announcement of the provisional results based on the ballot (sealed) box to audits by the Court of appeal or the Supreme Court of Justice, depending on the nature of the vote, in case of dispute.

The election is a procedure by which the members of a group (regardless of the main purpose) would be able to appoint their leaders and to make collective choices about the conduct of their common Affairs.

Lulli LIPSON sets the election as being "decisive event whereby the people expresses its will. It is at this time and according to this method that the citizens who are subject to the laws assert themselves the masters of those who make the laws.

Maurice DUVERGER, for its part, sets the election as "the most important and most common means. Available to citizens to make their views and participate in the development of the national policy It is for all citizens, to designate a small number of representatives who undertake on their behalf among them and their place of deciding public affairs»

These two authors, it emerges that the election is the way by which the people expresses its readiness to participate in the life of the nation by choosing representatives whose programs are consistent with its concerns.

The election is one of the features of modern regimes organized with degrees of efficiency and of varying sincerity, throughout the contemporary world. A respecter of Ferdinand Kapanga became very common, considers the concept 'election' as a means by which the people shall appoint representatives who undertake, on its behalf and in its place, deciding public affairs.

In other words, it is a serious act by which electors are called not only to make their views known, but also to participate indirectly in the development of national policy or a policy choice, he says.

In order to avoid falling into controversies without issues and as these definitions complement each other, we are the definition of Ngoma-BINDA that elections are a mode of arbitration of ambitions, of access to power, a mode legitimate insofar as it is peaceful.

On the other hand, the vote is a vote using the signs or bulletins posed in a container (URN) where removed then to count. This electoral operation then includes the filing of ballots in the ballot box, counting and the announcement of the results.

There are several modes of voting, also known as electoral systems. The most cited are the plurality (first past the post, nominal multi, a tower, and two towers), proportional representation and mixed systems.

For the presidential election of 2006, the electoral law spent by direct universal suffrage and an absolute plurality in two rounds while national and provincial legislative elections have seen direct universal suffrage to the parallel poll. In short, there were a combination of two electoral majority and proportional depending on the size of the electoral district.

Is called electoral systems arrested and charged recognized polling modes to democratically appoint candidates for their posts.^14(*)

Currently, there are two classic types of electoral systems who are opposed in this regard:

This electoral system translates as elected the candidate who arrives at the top of the list. One that gets the number superior voice over the other candidates. There are two forms of majoritarian systems: it may be majority outright in one round or two rounds majority system.

In the majority system, the candidate who obtains the largest number of votes is declared elected, regardless of the total of the votes obtained by opponents. It is the system practiced in the case of the elections in single seat in the Congo.

On the other hand, the election in two rounds, it is the form of majoritarian system where is elected who obtain half votes more one vote in the first round. In the case of non-realization of the absolute majority in the first round, a second is organized where the candidate will be elected. It is nominal multi when several candidates are elected in each electoral district.

2.2. THE PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION

It is a system in which the seats are divided between the lists in the presence proportionally with the number of votes obtained. The latter system promotes the representativeness of small political trends.

2.3 ELECTION ISSUE

By definition, a challenge is what can win or lose in a competition, a company. For the people, the major issue of the election is to make it free and truly independent, that is master of his own fate. This is the issue of self-determination. Unfortunately for some politicians and political groups, the elections are an opportunity to climb to power or control to acquire or save some benefits.

According to our understanding, the electoral challenge is the focal point around which the elections are held alternatively, expectations and aspirations of the people around the elections.

A democracy is always based on the possibility to express freely varying opinions and well-informed citizens vote. Media and journalists play therefore a key role in the electoral process in ensuring the flow of information and opinions, and their confrontation. They allow a better knowledge of the candidates, parties and programs.

They contribute to the effective participation of citizens in the democratic debate, particularly by placing at the heart of the campaign themes of general interest. Guarantors of democracy, journalists were also instrumental in the legitimation and acceptance of the results of the elections, in particular in the countries in democratic transition or crisis.

These responsibilities give journalists rights and duties. The right to inform freely, without being subject to pressure or intimidation, a corollary duty to issue to voters responsible, i.e. objective, informative and constructive information. It is a complex work, with challenges and pitfalls to avoid. Many are indeed examples of journalists who allowed them to be diverted from their neutral and impartial fact-finding in favor of partisan, violence-generating positions taken.

III.1 RULES FOR JOURNALISTS.

During an election period, the journalist may be subject to pressure from many quarters. They can be the result of a Government, particularly in countries where the democratization process is still fragile, political parties, which means various and varied to get favorable media coverage, but also sometimes of an employer, shareholder or owner of a media, close a candidate, who wants to impose a certain editorial line.

The journalist must also withstand the pressures of his own opinion that he can express as any other citizen in the secrecy of the voting booth. The public expects of him that he placed "above the fray" parties and that he treats them with the same impartiality, whatever sympathy or antipathy that can inspire him the candidate.

To resist such pressure and be up to the task, the journalist must rely on the basic principle of his profession: ethics. It is composed of a set of moral rules his ethics that manage the dedication of a journalist. No universal Charter does legally exist. There are nevertheless similar codes of ethics in many countries.

All say that journalism is a discipline in permanent quest of truth and objectivity. To be considered 'professional', information must be accurate, verified, balanced, neutral and respectful of human dignity. This implies a great moral probity, a keen sense of responsibility and an ability to understand the different points of view, including those that the journalist does not share. In any case, and regardless of the socio-political context in the presence, the journalist should give priority to the best interests of the citizens.

The 'fourth power' attributed to the media must be exercised for Government or for a political party or to a person in particular. Loyalty shall be exercised only to the citizens, taken together, that the journalist has a duty to inform and exercise, largely through him, their right to freedom of expression.

III.2 THE RIGHT TO FREEDOM OF OPINION AND EXPRESSION

Journalists benefit from certain rights guaranteed by article 19 of the Universal Declaration of human rights of 1948 and by article 19 of the international Covenant on the civil and political rights of 1966, signed and ratified by 154 States. These rights are also protected by the three major Conventions regional Africa, Americas, Europe relating to human rights.

They recognize journalists the right to seek, receive and freely convey information without interference from the Government. The authorities may not harass them or intimidate them or hamper their work in any way whatsoever, nor cannot they censor or attempt to influence benefits whatsoever.

A right and a duty during the election period, the journalist therefore has the right to speak of all the parties and candidates, including most hostile to the Government in place, and all the campaign themes that it considers important for the citizens and the future of his country. The 1966 Pact recognizes freedom of expression to everyone. It must also guarantee the possibility to all parties and candidates, but also to all citizens, to express themselves freely during the election campaign:

· Giving them access to the media so that they present their program or express their opinions.

· Denouncing barriers posed to the exercise of their freedom of expression. Examples: a candidate is prevented by the authorities to hold an election rally or a citizen under pressure of a party about electoral cheating which he has established.

Legality and legitimacy of restrictions the Covenant of 1966 recognizes that there are a number limited by legitimate reasons that may justify certain restrictions on freedom of expression, particularly when are questioned in the respect of the rights or reputations of others, and the safeguarding of national security, public order, health or morals public.

However, these restrictions must be explicitly set by the law of the country held elections and their contents defined very precisely. A vague formulation can indeed give a very large margin of maneuver to a Government or a candidate already power to censor journalists whom it deems unfavorable to its coverage.

The Act itself may also include illegitimate restrictions. It happens, for example, that repressive laws inherited from the old regimes are still in force in a country in transition to democracy. If an obstacle is posed to its work due to a legal restriction, the journalist must therefore check that it is legitimate under international law:

· Illegitimate restriction example: ban all forms of information and debate on themes involving fix the candidate for his own succession, or block access to public information under the pretext of safeguarding national security.

In General, the legal provisions relating to information and communication should interfere with the ability of the press to present the plurality of ideas and opinions of an election campaign.

Protection of information sources it is universally accepted that the journalist has the right to not to disclose the source of information to the public (or authorities), when this source does not want to be identified publicly.

It must nevertheless guard against the risks of manipulation that would lead to the dissemination of inaccurate information. Therefore, to ensure the reliability of this source corroborating information from other sources. To cover, the journalist can also reveal, in a manager of his writing, the identity of his source and guarantee its reliability.^15(*)

The safety of the journalist is fundamental so that it can work in good conditions and without pressure. Otherwise, it must inform, insofar as possible, self-regulation and media regulatory bodies, organizations of human rights and/or public authorities of all threats, assaults and attacks on freedom of the press which himself or his colleagues are victims. In fragile States, a journalist should not work and expose themselves only in the course of an election campaign. National or international professional associative networks can accompany him and be alerted in case of serious problems.

An army general who made a coup d'état is subjected to strong international pressure to reinstate democracy in his country. He decides to organize a presidential election at which it is him - same candidate as well as a legislative election with a ballot guaranteeing the military a mode number of seats. Media echoed the protests of certain political parties contesting this system. The junta then adopted a decree banning the press any form of discussion on the military forces under the pretext of safeguarding national security.

Journalists decide to disregard this restriction stating that it is illegitimate under international law. They are arrested and imprisoned for endangering the security of the State. In the days that follow, the regional organization to which the country belongs suspends all relations with the junta and threatens its leaders of individual sanctions.

Co-management of the media space is characterized, according to country, by intervention in the management of the media sector of several institutions: departments in charge of Communication and of Justice, the communication regulation authorities which are State institutions and self-regulatory bodies dealing with the status of non-governmental organization (NGO), implemented by the corporation of media professionals. During normal, electoral or crisis, a collaboration gateway can settle between regulatory and self-regulatory bodies: whether for the management of assistance from the State to the private press positions to denounce, condemn or punish breaches of ethics or ethics rules.

III.3. THE DUTY TO INFORM THE VOTERS

Article 19 of the international Covenant on the civil and political rights of 1966 guarantees all citizens the right to receive information. During an election period, it means that the State is obliged to ensure that voters are duly informed of the modalities of voting and ballot issue.

The authorities perform in general this task by organizing awareness-raising campaigns (leaflets, advertisements, etc.) and giving air time to all parties and candidates in the public audio-visual media. But this obligation to inform the voters does not concern only the journalists of the public service. All journalists have a professional and moral duty to inform citizens in election period.

Naturally, this duty to provide information is the major political issues of the election. Citizens need the information provided by the media to learn more about the candidates, the programs of the different parties and issues that make debate. But the journalist also has a role to play in electoral education of citizens.

Contribute to voter education journalist must provide citizens with information on the modalities of the election:

· What is the type of the election? (Legislative, presidential, municipal, etc.)

· What are the positions to be filled and what powers and responsibilities will they give to the elect?

This information is important in all countries, but even more essential in the countries where democracy has appeared very late or that are home to large parts of low literate population. They can contribute to the broad participation of the public in the polls by the awakening of the civic consciousness of the citizens. For example, explain in detail the procedures to ensure the secrecy of the ballot (which avoids the reprisal) may reassure some voters.

· On the work of governmental or civil society organizations specialized in electoral education.

· Canadian citizens to verify that they have understood the different aspects of the electoral process and/or to highlight the aspects on which awareness is still necessary.

The transmission of this information assumes a serious work of preparation beforehand by the journalist.

III.3.1 EFFECTIVELY INFORM

Convey information only makes sense if this information can be understood by its recipient. The journalist must keep in mind that an electoral process raises problems and the very complex issues. The presentation should always be accessible to the greatest number. A journalist is not a University. This is a person able to explain complex problems with the forms of the simplest language, a kind of Ombudsman somehow:

· A good reporter can say much with few words while a less good journalist needs to use a lot of words to say very little.

· Establish a plan before you start story writing. The plan allows to define the logic of an event (or a problem) and the most dynamic way to tell (or explained). It also allows identifying the most important information (the hierarchy of information). Then ask the following question: in what order use this information so that the narrative is the most logical and the clearest possible?

III.4. THE ACCURACY AND VERIFICATION

Any information in a report must be verified and completely accurate. It is a basic principle of journalism. This requires in all circumstances, and particularly during an election period, a very large professional rigor. The journalist must seek the truth and report more comprehensively as possible in exercising his critical spirit which requires checking everything orderly. To be considered reliable, information must meet the following conditions:

· On the work of governmental or civil society organizations specialized in electoral education.

· Canadian citizens to verify that they have understood the different aspects of the electoral process and/or to highlight the aspects on which awareness is still necessary.

The transmission of this information assumes a serious work of preparation beforehand by the journalist.

III.5. THE ACCURACY AND VERIFICATION

Any information in a report must be verified and completely accurate. It is a basic principle of journalism. This requires in all circumstances, and particularly during an election period, a very large professional rigor. The journalist must seek the truth and report more comprehensively as possible in exercising his critical spirit which requires checking everything methodically. To be considered reliable, information must meet the following conditions:

· If ensure that information is not made, false or misleading. Manipulation, misinformation and spreading rumors are common practices in election period. Never assume that the information given is true. It must always be checked cutting it with other sources.

If in doubt, preferably remain cautious and refrain. Never use conditional which is the negation of a fact.

· The accuracy requirement applies to all the elements of the story: the facts, dates, places, quotes, etc. A gross error on only basic information may call into question the reliability of a story in the eyes of the public.

· If the journalist travels account, or if it is informed by the candidate concerned, that information he used is inaccurate, it must correct it quickly and in the same conditions as those of its dissemination.

· Mention sources as much as possible. Simply answer the question: "Who speaks?" and indicate the name and title of the person (candidate, party leader, militant associations' responsible for or ordinary citizen) at the origin of the hearsay information.

· An electoral story built solely on anonymous sources is considered as a suspect and unreliable. It is prohibited in all cases.

· Always ask the reasons for which a person seeks anonymity, in particular whenever there is a new character delicate or likely to affect the reputation of a person, a candidate or a party. With relevance to evaluate his reasons. If they appear to be legitimate (example: the safety of the informant may be endangered), it is necessary to take the in - training into account. But the journalist must get confirmation from other independent sources before using it. Protect a source must never lead to report rumors or unfounded accusations.

· Be specific. If the journalist covers a rally, should describe the place, the Organization, topics covered in the speech and the reactions of the public.

· The rule of thumb of any information should answer the questions: who? What? When? Where to? Why?

· The approximation can be a source of distortion of the facts. For example, if the journalist says or writes "candidate X's speech was very applauded", this sentence has not the same meaning depending on whether the public is composed of activists of the candidate or even ordinary citizens come to learn.

In the first case, the applause was predictable while in the second case, this may mean that the candidate has convinced of undecided voters.

An error is still possible. It is therefore necessary, when the journalist makes a report, to be always much nuanced and never making a final judgment. Discuss his work with modesty and rigor is the best way not to commit any errors.

· Maintain its sound or visual recordings including providing evidence of what is reported.

III.6. THE BALANCE, NEUTRALITY AND HONESTY16(*)

The journalist is accountable programs and discussions between the parties or candidates so that voters can compare their position. But the professional reporting of a campaign should never tell voters what the best choice is. The journalist must leave this task to the editorialists and commentators.

The commentary and editorial include obvious marks of subjectivity, in which a reporter (often a pen recognized by the profession or the public) offers an analysis or interpretation of the facts which commits only him or his media. Its function is more to report the facts even though he remains subject to the standards of accuracy and responsibility but to propose a reading, sometimes oriented politically.

Any journalist is subject to a duty to search for objectivity. It can ask questions, present the different points of view and add background information and elements of context. It must always do so in a constant concern for balance and neutrality. This implies that it deals with all parties and candidates in a fair, impartial and neutral.

For example, if the construction of new roads is an issue raised during the campaign and he decides to devote a story, it must mention the proposals of all the main parties or candidates in this area. Impartiality can be done by a search of equal volume given to candidates on campaign subjects or themes in which every opinion is complemented by others.

Example 1: If the journalist makes the report a gathers - ment during which a party has presented the outline of his pro-gram, it shall mention the reactions of its main competitors, as soon as they are formulated.

Example 2: If a candidate brings an accusation against another candidate and journalist decides to use this information, should contact the referred party and include his reaction in his report. If it refuses to any statement, it should mention it.

The journalist must refrain from leave reflected directly or indirectly its opinions, as much in its reports in its behavior.

Extracts of remarks made by leaders of parties and candidates must be reproduced fully in respecting the context in which they were spoken. If the journalist is not sure of him, it must contact the person for clarification.

· When a translation is necessary (the candidate expressed himself in a local language), you have to be extremely rigorous and careful to not to alter the meaning of the words.

· Information should never be used to make the apology of a party or candidate.

· The tone of the articles must be neutral. Describe what distinguishes parties from each other, but without judgment in any form whatsoever.

· Information should never be used to present a personal point of view. The journalist has a duty to reserve on the themes he reports the facts. Its opinion on the subject should not be a part of history or be mentioned in the report.

· Never carry publicly clothing, badges, stickers or any other medium conveying acronyms and slogans of a party or a candidate.

· Refrain from expressing any opinion on a party or candidate during a rally, a survey or an interview.

Not to express his political views in private, preferably in the most intimate social circle.

Objectivity and honesty the journalist is a citizen whose personality and consciousness have been forged by its past, its culture, its beliefs and upbringing. However, it must demonstrate objectivity in its technical approach and its professional practice. And absence be totally objective, it must strive to be honest and rigorous.

· Journalist, in the collection, processing and dissemination of information, must act with the greatest possible objectivity. It must refuse any subjectivism compared treatments journalistic of the different candidates and parties.

· The editorial style, layout, and in particular the choice of photos should not be unfair or biased, which could favor one candidate rather than another.

· Extracts of remarks, shooting angles, alignment, and the conditions of release must be objectively, or any the less honest.

· The journalist must, in all circumstances, and regardless of his own personal beliefs, acting in his soul and conscience with honesty.

The citizens expect from the media that therein accurate and precise facts. To do this, the journalist must keep its editorial independence and resist the pressures political, social or financial likely to influence its rigor in the treatment of the information. It accepts other directives than those responsible for its drafting, its moral or her personal ethics when working alone.

During an election period, the independence of the journalist may be threatened in many ways: example 1: the owner of a media is close to a certain candidate and request to journalists that he uses this candidate-friendly coverage.

Example 2: the Government calls a public media journalist's coverage favorable to the ruling party.

Example 3: a journalist working for a private media is subject to pressures from the authorities for a highly critical inquiry into the Government.

Journalist must resist as much as possible to these pressures by invoking both his right to exercise his profession "in good conscience" as his duty to truth and objectivity to the citizens. If necessary, he can turn to the associations of national or international journalists with one of the main responsibilities of this independence.

The journalist must also know to stay independent of parties and candidates in the election. Of course, it is important that he is close to them. This will help him to better identify their personality and to understand their program.

But too much collusion can put it in a legal dependency ratio. Politicians can be clever and seductive. They can sometimes treat the journalist in "friend" but it should be borne in mind that the reporter is, ultimately, what a way to use to relay their message and their image favorably in the opinion. We must therefore avoid any report of "cronyism" and strictly professional reporting. That is why journalist must:

· Never accept any money, or gift of neither value, nor privilege to influence his judgment, placing it in a conflict of interest or undermine its credibility.

· Do not perceive any benefit whatsoever for the publication or non-publication of information. For example, the journalist becomes complicit in electoral cheating if he denounces not proven cases committed by a party in Exchange for a favor.

It is common that political parties propose journalists to carry them on their gathering places where they their also provide drinks and food. It should be not to accept these offers if they are open to all. Best is, resources permitting, to travel alone or to share with fellow transportation costs. Similarly, it is the medium that employs the journalist who must cover the costs of accommodation and meals when reporting. The transport arranged by a party is acceptable only under strict conditions:

· The main parties should be used. If a single practice, for example, because he is the one to have the financial means, should reject the offer.

· It should never be alone to benefit from. All media, all sensitivities, must have been invited under the same conditions. It is necessary to consult his colleagues to be sure that a large number of them will be present. If not, should reject the offer.

· The party or candidate must demand nothing in return. The journalist, and alone, to decide whether to do a story on the event or gathering to which it has been conveyed. He also is the one to decide the angle and the contents of his report.^17(*)

Whatever the status of its media, the journalist must refuse categorically any financial proposal of a candidate or a party political.

One of the solutions can be expected in the general budget of the independent electoral commissions a chapter concerning transport of the news teams for media that cannot sup - wear their teams travel costs. Instances regulation, along with the media and candidates touring programs, can then support the movement.

· The journalist agrees not to use unfair means to get information (example: record an interview of a candidate without his permission).

· The journalist shall not pay or does not receive money in Exchange for information.

· Journalist informed those unfamiliar with the press that their words may be disseminated, and thus brought to the attention of a wide audience.

· The journalist shall refrain from any plagiarism and quote the confreres which it resumed information.

· Journalist sign photos illustrating article, or clearly refers to their source.

Freedom of the press cannot be exercised without liability. The role of the journalist, who is first a citizen, perhaps, to preserve its information capacity, to appease the political and institutional crises acute or conflicts. The journalist is not one citizen like any other in the sense that his word is expected and heard.

The journalist must always be aware of the consequences, positive or negative, of information it disseminates. This implies that it uses in all circumstances, and regardless of the news it covers forms of languages (words and your) the more neutral and more sober as possible.

This also implies that he always deals with weighting and essential rigor, topics likely to feed tensions within the population or cause, to some people, some communities or groups, attitudes of rejection or stigma. As such, the journalist must:

· Respect the dignity of the human person and the presumption of innocence. It ensures not to put into question, without credible and verified information, the reputation and honor of others.

· Respect the privacy and personal data and broadcast information in this area only if they are necessary to the understanding of an event or situation of public life.

· Refuse to feed and to amplify a rumor, even if other media already are the echo.

· To refrain from any speech or incitement to hatred, violence, destruction, theft, intolerance, racism, the xenophobia and prejudice.

Journalists do not comply with these rules may be subject to judicial sanctions. In the most serious cases, such as that of free radio television des Mille Collines in Rwanda, a radio chain that has advocated genocide, journalists were found guilty of crimes against humanity and sentenced by an international tribunal.

Often, during an election campaign, parties and candidates to use against the other virulent language and sometimes even insulting. The spread of rumors and inaccurate allegations is a process that is also commonly used to weaken his political opponents.

Journalist doesn't often have any other choice but to broadcast because they are elements of the campaign that can help voters understand the personality of the candidates. The journalist cannot be held responsible for hateful or defamatory statements issued by politicians he resumed and cited in his reporting.

· Transcribe the words ("Word for word") accurately and clearly assign it to its author.

· Not make any judgment, neither positive nor negative, as much on the words men - even on the response of the person. However, the journalist may involve independent personalities and/or organizations for the defense of human rights to highlight the risk posed to the community of politicians using hateful, abusive or defamatory language.

NB: However, the sense of social responsibility command that the journalist takes into account all the parameters of the context in which it is located. So in extremely explosive socio-political situations, if the relay hate may incur unduly serious dangers to individuals, communities or the Nation, it can, in an ethical option, refrain from amplify such remarks.

However, it can, in other forms of practices such as editorials or comments, while taking to witness national opinion, draw the attention of the players political and citizens about the dangers threatening social peace and social and national divisions-generating derivatives violent.

The journalist must empower citizens to understand the electoral issues. To do this, he must present all parties and candidates by providing information on their programs (past and present) and their activities during the election campaign. The journalist must also seek other sources of information for not only those of the parties depend on.^18(*)

Aware of the power of the media on the voters, they often seek to influence through communication plans designed to restrict critical journalists and allow a favorable of their messages and broad distribution. News releases, press conferences and opinion polls are sources of information that must be handled with prudence and discernment.

Being competent in electoral period cannot be improvised and requires good preparation. Need to learn about the candidates well before the start of the official campaign to be ready, when the time comes, ask relevant questions. They will truly only if they reflect the concerns of voters.

The role of the journalist is therefore also to publicize the problems citizens are confronted on a daily basis so that applicants are interested and propose concrete solutions to solve. The journalist must go every day on the ground but some land imposed to take special care in its approach to handling information that for his own safety. This is especially true when the election takes place in a country at war or fragile.

Media coverage of election campaigns should be carried out before the start of the official campaign. The journalist is a vital link as it will on the ground, covers public meetings, meeting candidates, and takes the pulse of opinion and reports. His work also depends on its media managers who have to design a program schedule and organization of drafting specific and adapted to the electoral period.

To deal with the difficulty to follow only several candidates during an election campaign, it is advisable, if the drafting includes several journalists, to apportion their tasks. The preparation of a coverage plan is a real work team which mobilizes many human ways photographers, cameramen, takers of sound, editors, graphic editors - and material. The journalist must indeed share its best practices with colleagues.

· The Director of a radio or TV programs should develop specific program: adversarial debate between candidates, round table including candidates and a panel of experts or interactive programs allowing different candidates to present their ideas and answering the questions of the citizens live.

· In a body of written press, the Director of publication must de - complete the location and the number of pages reserved for the stands of free expression ('pages views') of the candidates, readers, experts or journalists themselves (editorials and commentaries).

· Writing conferences are essential during the election period. This space of Exchange and decision-making consisting of as many sensitivities as journalists, to maintain pluralism necessary to complete and balanced coverage throughout the campaign.

· It is recommended to hold a conference of special preparation before the start of the campaign to set the array of edge of the cover.

The goal is to ensure complementarity and cohesion of the work of any drafting. Who will be in charge of what? For example, a reporter can be assigned to cover a region or a specific theme. Writing can also affect a journalist to cover a single party or candidate. But in this case, it must do so for each of the main parties and candidates for the sake of balance and impartiality.

· All media do not have the same resources. When the numbers are reduced, each must be versatile. But the consultation and dialogue are essential and must be daily.

· Gather a maximum of information on parties and candidates: structures, operation, sources of financing, geographical location, political weight national and/or local, current alliances the and passed key campaign themes, results in previous polls, etc.

· Identify and establish privileged relations with the spokesperson of each party or a person occupying an important function in the organization chart or the organization of their campaign.

· The objective is to be able to contact them to quickly get information (example: date, time and place of a public meeting), to arrange an interview with a candidate or to get reactions to hot on a particular event of the campaign.

· A list of the major issues of the campaign and the issues that voters want to see treated by candidates and parties.

· Establish a list of experts to consult to have comments on the campaign. If you are a journalist in a national media, build up a network of local informants.

· Check the validity of his press card and learn about the accreditation or mission orders that eventually will be required to cover the campaign.

· Check with the regulatory body that on any specific rules to be applied by the media during the election period.

Parties and candidates know that voters tend to believe what they see and hear in the media. They therefore seek to influence the journalists in order to receive a favorable media treatment.

Their most common communication tool is release. Sent directly to editors or distributed at a press conference, he is drafted with the type of phrases that media need: short and percussive sentences that summarize the essence of the message and which are likely to be taken up fully. The goal is to reduce the possibilities of criticism and contradictions and thus limit the investigative journalists work.

With the advent of television, in as long as main mass media, candidates have also more and more often use political marketing techniques that teach them to play of seduction, to control their movements, to treat their appearance and fabric events intended to soften the voters instead to present in detail the content of their program.

· Not just resume the information provided by a party or candidate but trying to explain the issues.

· Do not transcribe, even paraphrasing them, news and programs. Compare them with what the candidates did responsibilities and the positions they have already occupied or with the commitments they have made during previous campaigns. Involve experts to assess the adequacy of their proposals to the needs of the country or of the community and to highlight any contradictions and conflicts of interest.

· Always put quotation marks and/or always attributed to their authors used a press release or a press conference phrases.^19(*)

· Be proactive during press conferences. Not just to listen. Ask for explanations, clarifications, examples, figures, justification.

· Do not rely on the statistics provided by a party on the number of people who participated in a rally. Compare them with other sources: journalists, the inhabitants of the district, security forces or any other person present on the premises.

· Learn to recognize the events produced by the candidates to get into value. Attentive to the attitude of the people - must be present during a visit of a candidate in a school, a hospital or a company. His speech provoked reactions? Were always positive? Visited people asked questions? They appeared to be spontaneous? Should remain on the premises after the departure of the candidate to try to learn more.

· Check that the message conveyed well matches the beliefs of the candidate. For example, if a candidate goes into a school to say that it has always considered education as a priority, look if it has already been on the initiative of projects in this area.

· Clearly distinguish the official activities of officials - mental activities as a candidate or a party member.

During an election period, parties and candidates are still trying to impose their agenda on media to highlight the strong points of their program and ignore the aspects that are less. A campaign can thus Miss issues the most important faced by a country. The journalist must therefore identify and publicize these problems to force parties and candidates to discuss and explain to voters the solutions that they rely to make.

The use of experts, academics and civil society officials can help the journalist to identify the major issues which should be addressed during the campaign in all areas: economy, governance, planning, health, education, justice, foreign policy, human rights, etc.

But the journalist must also, and above all, interested in the lives of the citizens to know, understand and relay their concerns. Some press organs as well realize thematic surveys, indicating the issues that are most interested the electorate. Others have panels involving citizens, district heads and associative leaders - to better target the needs of individuals and communities. One of the simplest ways still to go into the field to meet the population.

Different techniques allow the journalist to place the concerns of the citizens at the heart of the election debate:

· Telling individual stories to illustrate the importance and magnitude of the major issues of the campaign or to focus on the consequences of the solutions proposed by each candidate. In addition, the journalist increases its chances of attracting the attention of parties on a theme that has not yet been addressed during the campaign if he knows "humanize it" the story alive and detailed the problems posed to a person or a community.

· Make reports on the themes that citizens report themselves and they are facing on a daily basis: load shedding of electricity, access to drinking water, bad roads, increase of the fuel prices, lack of teachers in schools, lack of hospitals in a region, etc. It is through the stories of the journalist that these problems have a chance to be better taken into account by the parties and candidates.

· Make every effort. Whether or not the journalist is reporting, it is always useful to interview the people he meets on what is happening in the streets, bars, cafes, markets, office, Garden, family, etc., which are public spaces discussing vital citizens problems. A conversation heard for example in a grocery store or a mail queue, can help the reporter to take the pulse of opinion and be the starting point of a story.

· Also give the floor to the representatives of minorities, trade unions, and professional groups, associations of women or human rights. They represent collective interests which the views and claims must be relayed by the media.

The interview of candidates or party leaders is a key moment of the coverage of the electoral campaign. It allows the journalist to go in detail programs and better identify the personalities. In between - views of a politician is a difficult art which requires a sense of human relationships, a strong capacity for discernment and good preparation. Being well informed and prepared allows the journalist to ask relevant questions and to stay much focused during the interview.

· Gather large number of possible information about the person encountered. Do some research on his route? Hence - it? She said, written or done before? What are its sources of funding? How is it perceived by the community? What do think of it his friends and his political opponents?

· Prepare a list of questions with the order of the topics and the approximate time to devote to each. It is possible of be in de - stain during maintenance to bounce on a discourse of the interview but it is safer to have a canvas of questions ready.

· Prioritizing its questions in descending order of interest. If the time of the interview is shorter than initially expected, essentially will be so touched.

· Prepare brief, simple and targeted questions. If a question is too long, too complicated and too general, a skillful politician will easily take control of the interview and will respond only to a part (the one that fixes it) of the item.

· What concrete measures will be taken to solve the country's problems? What measures will be applied as a priority? With what means? What the party or candidate different from others? In the event of victory, political alliances will be concluded? If so, with whom and why?

· If there is an elected outgoing and/or belonging to the majority party, ask it on its balance sheet and/or pro-masses not held by his party.^20(*)

· For a candidate in a local election, the questionnaire should take into account the specific problems of the communities of the regions affected by the elections.

· Establish its questions on the basis of the concerns expressed by the citizens during the reporting for specific answers to concrete problems.

· Requested permission to record the maintenance with a wizard or single. If the interlocutor has reservations, explain that this keeps a faithful reproduction of his words (and thus not to distort his words). The recording you can also focus on the responses of the interlocutor and think at the same time at the turn of the maintenance.

· If the interview is not registered, the journalist cannot rely on his memory and his notes. It is therefore important to quickly write the major elements. To do this, it is best to use abbreviations and re-read his notes immediately after the interview.

· Alternate issues open wide field (inducing detailed answers and explanations), semi-open questions (requiring short and precise responses) and closed-ended questions which cannot be answered by an affirmation or negation.

· Pose additional questions or the same questions in other forms for more information. Request for clarification and examples.

· Being very attentive to responses. Should be able to resume a word or an idea to fly to evolve maintenance with spontaneous questions.

· The journalist is in principle that directs the interview. It must never lose control. A smart politician can initiate a start to answering a question and then ask another question to which there want to respond. Example: "Yes, actually... but there is a question to which it seems to me important to answer...". ». We have to let it finish or interrupt politely if he talks too much, then rest his question until you get a real answer.

· Being opinionated but remain courteous and polite regardless of the attitude of the interlocutor. Also be aware of his physical attitude, it can have an impact on the conduct of the interview. How the journalist is positioned relative to the caller (the ideal is to be facing him)?

· The problem does not arise if the interview is published or broadcast in its entirety. It arises however if the journalist published or only brings that excerpts, it's actually a guided interview or if it uses some elements of the interview to feed a story.

In these cases, the journalist must, when rewriting or editing, make a selection reflecting as faithfully as possible the comments made during the interview. If in doubt, do not hesitate to contact the person for him ask clarifications and details.

· If the interview is used to write an article, the journalist must get down to work immediately after the talks, bringing together ideas and drafting a plan or a draft of article. The notes taken during the interview will be used also to complete the registration (if it exists), to raise or check a citation.

There are two types of opinion polls in election period: the thematic surveys, which measure the aspirations of citizens on election issues, and popularity polls, which indicate voting intentions. Parties and candidates can order themselves to measure the impact of their campaign; put their program or their image in line with the wishes of the voters.^21(*)

Polls are a source of information to not be disregarded but they must be approached with caution. It is essential that the journalist studied closely before deciding to use them. Indeed, polls are of very uneven quality and some can be funded and designed to manipulate opinion and the media.

Polls have limited informational value because they are based on the study of a sample found 'representative '. However this technique poses difficulties in some areas such as the rural areas of sub-Saharan Africa where language and illiteracy can act as a barrier for pollsters.

Polls can influence, and even distort the democratic game: doubts are regularly expressed about the impact that a survey can have on the electoral behavior: the effect of 'follow-my-leader' (vote for the candidate at the top) to the effect of "revolt" (vote for the loser announced candidate), everything is possible.

A survey can be used for illegitimate purposes at the expense of democracy. This risk is particularly high in the countries in democratic transition where the practice of polls is rarely regulated by a legal framework. Unscrupulous institutes can use a biased methodology (limited sampling regions, questions to obtain certain types of responses, etc.) for carrying out surveys with results consistent with the interests of their client. Examples:

· A political party in power will order a survey measure to show that the population is satisfied with its Government balance sheet.

· A candidate at the presidential election is going to order an aggressive survey to damage the image of his opponents.

· A private interest group commands a thematic survey to impose on parties and candidates a certain economic program.

· An opposition party denouncing electoral fraud controls a survey to demonstrate that he had won the elections.

· Have only resorted to polls institutes working according to strict and transparent procedures.

· What were the questions asked? Are the results based on the answers or some only?

· Information to indicate when a survey is brought to the attention of the public

· The name of the political party, the organization or the person who commissioned the survey. The name of the organization conducting the survey.

It happens in open crisis countries organize elections. If there is a conflict between Government forces in rebellion movements, there are generally three cases:

· The opposition movement wants to overthrow the Government in place and calls the entire population of the country did not participate in the poll so that the Government that he fought is not legitimized by the ballot box.

· The movement seeks independence or autonomy from a part of the territory and asked the inhabitants of this region to boycott the election to support his cause.

· Government forces and opposition forces signed a ceasefire but they have conditioned the signing of a final peace agreement for the conduct of a free and fair election on the

whole of the territory or part of the territory which is the cause of the conflict.

Media coverage of an election taking place in these contexts is a very complex exercise and has many dangers for the journalist. This means that it is particularly rigorous in the application of the standards of professional ethics (accuracy, impartiality, responsibility, etc.) and that it meets a number of safety rules when it is reporting on the ground.

· Be extremely careful in processing information and sources because the risk of manipulation is very high: the 'art of disinformation' part of the 'art of war '.

· Observe strict neutrality. Therefore, the journalist can best fulfill its duty and to better ensure its own security.

· Be especially attentive to the balance of his reporting. For example, if a report on the participation of the population in elections in a region where the opposition has asked residents not to vote, can build his narrative on the basis of four testimonies:

· Always carry his pieces of identity, press cards, accreditations, passes and other necessary paperwork.

· Never carry weapons, objects or clothing that might cause confusion (mesh, khaki-colored jacket, leather boots, sister, etc.).

· Never travel alone. Move with colleagues or members of NGOs but not circulate with candidates or politicians.

· Study carefully its route to avoid combat zones and regularly give its location to its editor, a friend or a member of his family.

· When the cover of a political meeting or an important gathering, identify places and identify areas where shelter in case of violence.

· If problems arise, do not run because this increases the risk to be taken for target. Do not cross a confrontation directly from one side to the other.

The media can be a true instrument for consolidating peace and democracy or play a significant role in triggering conflict by fanning, by the rumor and propaganda, the mistrust and hatred between people or communities. It also happens that a less professionalized press derives without realizing it to inappropriate language.

The election campaign is a timing of this kind of misbehavior insofar as political debates can easily swerve in violent verbal jousts. The risks are especially great when the election takes place in countries emerging from conflict where the voting takes place in an atmosphere of tension or latent crisis. A referendum can exacerbate divisions or transpose the grievances of war from the battlefield to the political arena.

Learn and understand the context if the journalist is central in the enlargement and the deepening of democratic processes and peace, its role is crucial in sensitive contexts.

Indeed, the journalist must develop a keen sense of observation, analysis that allows us to understand the complexity of the socio-political situation and electoral ballot issues. It must do everything to avoid feeding the crisis and to instead try to appease him.

Happening, there again, by a very scrupulous respect for the rules of accuracy, verification, impartiality, neutrality and probity in the collection and processing of information. It also implies a specific preparation work and a very good knowledge of the possible tensions that could arise during the electoral process.^22(*)

· What were the players, motivations, and issues of the conflict or crisis? Why, what and who helped to put an end to? If an agreement has been signed, the journalist must know the general structure and the main points.

· In the case of a crisis or a conflict with a component ethnic or community, the journalist must have substantial knowledge of the sociological realities of each community and the way in which each of them has been affected by crisis or conflict.

This documentation is essential because it will allow the journalist to identify the facts and the speeches that can generate new derivatives, and consequently a role monitoring and alert. It can do so, for example, by involving independent personalities and organizations of civil society to remind parties and candidates their commitments and the content of the texts that they eventually signed.

· Reports focus on the major challenges of society out of the issues fuelling the crisis or conflict. This can be the access to drinking water, health, education, etc. The objective is to contribute to restore national cohesion by demonstrating to citizens that they have common problems apart from any ethnic, community or religious affiliation.

· Give voice to citizens through topics and appropriate formats. This can be, for example, on-line discussions and interactive programs in which listeners are invited to speak. Be careful, however, that these free forums become not the «defouloirs» conveying aggressive and inflammatory remarks.

· Be yourself especially attentive to the language used in the reports. The language must be factual, balanced and neutral.

The accuracy of the information is a principle fundamental of professional journalism. Any information in a report must be completely accurate as the names of the candidates, their declarations, the precise numbers and descriptions of people, places and events. Candidates and voters can sometimes become emotional during the election campaign; their words must be reported with a lot of precaution in order to reveal the true content while trying to explain the context without exaggeration of the partial truths.

In this business, every journalist is still trying to be the first to get the information. But what is most important, it is the truth of the latter. Voters declare nothing to journalists if they are likely to have their distorted words or if things are not properly reported.

All journalism codes emphasize the importance of impartiality and objectivity in the profession. To ensure impartiality, the journalist must make balanced reports. To make it balanced, the report must include the views of both sides. For example, when a candidate utters a charge or a promise in his election speech, the professional journalist should introduce the reaction of the other candidates to ensure the objectivity of his report.

To introduce other points of view removes any suspicion of bias or favoritism. However, a balanced reporting must be fair. The report may highlight one candidate instead of another from a current event any because of what it says or does compared to this event.

In other events, it is important to highlight other candidates to ensure balance and fairness. It is true that it is difficult to ensure balance and fairness in every story, but it is an essential principle of professionalism in journalism. There are always at least two points of view for each topic.

Even if he works for a media that displays the support of a political party, the professional journalist will always try to ensure the objectivity and balance of his report. And even if he worked in the public service, it is imperative that its reports introduce information on opposition parties. This is called 'balance '. This balance must be fair as much as possible. Further, private and public media must keep separate opinions and political commentary news.

Many voters don't reveal their views to journalists that they suspect to represent the ideas of a single political party. Voters who are wary of journalists express only the views that the journalist would like to hear without really revealing their opinions.

Impartiality requires that the professional journalist is not affiliated with a group or a political movement. If a journalist is known for his political activism, his reporting will lose their credibility even if they are fair and balanced. The journalist should never take part in an election campaign for that matter and must never offer or receive money or gifts from political parties.

Journalists have enormous responsibilities towards people for which they make their reports and also people who they broadcast these reports. Journalists are obliged to protect their sources when required by the circumstances. People don't reveal any important information as for example corruption policy, if they have reason to fear that their identity is unveiled.

It is imperative that journalists are use only integrated methods to obtain information. Their investigations should follow the international standards of the profession.

The electoral commission could come under pressure from the Government or the parties with powerful interests in the country. Political parties could try everything to win the elections. It is also virtually impossible for the commission to uncover any abuse and average diverted during the election campaign. However, to ensure that the elections are legitimized by the people of the country who vote and the people of the world, they must be necessarily fair and impartial.

For this reason, a reliable press is strictly necessary to deal with corruption and illegal activities in elections. It is indeed the role of the media to report problems, to denounce the violations of the laws and to inform the electorate on the manifestos of the polite - ticks and candidates parties.

The media are at the service neither of the electoral commission nor in the service of political parties. They are there to ensure the smooth running of the elections and to unmask corruption and abuse. The election commission and parties' politics should be aware of the fact that they will be strongly criticized by public opinion if they do not end the violations.^23(*)

Journalists are supposed to know the laws election as, for example, the functioning of the electoral commission and the electoral process.

Furthermore, it must be that media coverage of political parties shall be based on the principles of fairness or justice. Does mean that each party has the right to media coverage, but the scope of coverage should vary from one party to another depending on the importance of the party in previous elections and those which are ongoing.

The number of candidates could be a good criterion to give an idea of the importance of the party. The most important political parties must receive more media coverage. This practice must be conducted by the media as a good example of responsible journalism. The electoral commission, moreover, could require the media to comply with this practice during the election campaign.

The commission could also ask the media to fairly allocate free advertising space for each political party.

The public press must allocate advertising space to all political parties. The press private, however, has a civic responsibility to the citizens. It must provide equitable or fair reports on all the political parties according to the rules defined by the electoral commission. It must also address the election advertising in the same way for all political parties.

Journalists must demonstrate objectivity. Their reports must be accurate, impartial and reliable.

There are many ways to have elections held in poor conditions or become corrupted. The following are very important elements to which the press should pay attention and shall inform voters because its task is to monitor the elections.

Are the rights of voters the names of the eligible citizens all on the list of electors? Are all registered to vote? Can voters listen to and discuss freely issues and election programs of political parties without fear? Parties threaten voters and election officials and they are forcing the voters to vote for certain candidates?

Political parties are trying to buy the votes of the voters with money, gifts or promises of employment? Are voters aware of their role and the importance of the vote? Are they aware of the choices available? Women and minorities feel safe during the vote?

The rights of candidates and political parties the parties and candidates are allowed to stand in the elections? Are candidates representing minorities, various regions and political opinions allowed to stand in the elections? Can political parties hold general meetings without difficulties? The voting rules are applied fairly to all parties?

The police and the army ensure the protection of the parties when they are campaigning, disseminate information or organize meetings? There is powerful interests pouring large sums of money to a particular political party? Are the Parties ready to reveal their sources of funding?

Are the Government officials neutral? They use money or public resources such as for example cars to serve a political party any? The ruling party announces new projects in beginning of election campaign? This is not fair to the opposition parties who cannot use public money in this way.

The electoral process electoral lists are complete? Electors who are not on the lists may - they take part in the voting simply on production of a valid identity document?

Are the ballots easily understood by voters who cannot read? Voters easily understand the voting procedures? Are there enough ballots, of ballot boxes and officials to monitor the procedure of voting and the counting of the votes? Are there enough security measures to protect the ballot box fraud attempts?

Is the electoral commission evidence of impartiality, independence and transparency? Are there international or independent observers who observe elections? What do think of the activities of the electoral commission?

The electoral commission responds quickly to complaints of media, voters and political parties concerning the violations of the electoral code? The commission investigates cases of violation of laws and it is trying to limit? Are those who violate the law punished in one way or another?

Can the media, non-governmental organizations and international observers ensure the observation of the elections and freely make reports without fear? State media covered the activities of candidates and parties in a fair manner? Is media coverage accurate, impartial, reliable and equitable?

Private media newspapers, radio and television provide reliable and equitable coverage on elections? Private media give fair advertising space to all parties?

Political parties generally use their leaders to give a good public image. They want voters to react positively to the public image of the leader. They often rely on specialists to improve public speaking leader, take care of its appearance and its public behavior, for example, how to behave kindly toward people and still maintain its quiet in public. Parties also expose the most photogenic images of the leader in the spaces reserved for the election campaign to attract the attention of voters.

The parties have understood that voters generally tend to believe what they see and hear in the media.

For this reason, the parties create what might be called 'soulful events '. These events are intended to present the leader of the party as a kind person showing it being to visit people in their homes or to embrace children or engage in Walkabouts. Parties organize to press in which conferences the leader presents its programs and electoral promises and attack programs other parties and candidates.

Parties may not wish to see their leader return in a direct debate with other leaders. Political leaders generally prefer giving interviews to newspapers or radio stations and television channels that support their election programs.^24(*)

This manipulation of the media represents a real challenge for journalists. Professional journalists wish leaders pronounce on issues raised by the community, or well they explain to voters the difference between their electoral programs and those of other political parties.

Nevertheless, journalists cannot ignore the press conferences and the 'cutest events' political leaders because other media will broadcast in a way or another. However, it is important that journalists pose questions to political leaders rather than let them spread on subjects that adorn their image.

Nevertheless, journalists must ensure the balance by introducing in their reports the opinions and comments from political leaders and voters on a press conference or a speech by a party leader any.

It is difficult to ask questions but the journalist must always demonstrate courtesy and respect. Do an objective report requires a lot of time and work but the professional journalist will never forget to introduce in his report all facets of history.

Walking shoes voters help the journalist to produce stories. This creates questions to be put to politicians.

What is the first thing to which the voter believes? Certainly the security. The voter wants to be reassured that acts of violence will not occur at polling stations and the vote will remain secret. He also wants to know where to head to complaints of threats against him.

It is easy to raise these issues in stories collected in local communities or across the country. Media must inform the electors of the electoral laws. They also interview the police, the electoral commission or the voters who have been victims of violence in the previous elections.

The media must know what measures had been taken to deal with such acts in the current election. How do react officials and politicians in the event of outbreak of new violence?

Voters also want to know the choices about the vote on candidates put at their disposal during the polling day. What are the names on the list of electors? Voters have the right to obtain information regarding the candidates and political parties. They need to compare different parties' election promises.

An objective reportage showing the different promises of parties over a specific problem of the community will give choice more thoughtful voters.

When it starts instead of the elector, should remember one thing is that the voter wants con - rise to the opinions of its region. The journalist can ask the same questions to members of the same community. This method gives an idea about the main concerns of the community.

For example, the journalist can ask the question to voters: "what is the problem most important you would like that the Government deals with priority?", or "what do you think of the acts of violence that have marked these elections? '' These questions can be posed to people in a restaurant or people crossing a bridge at a time any day or women who are waiting for the bus at a station.

If their responses are similar, this could reflect the opinion of a greater number of voters and therefore, this could be a hot topic. Even if the answers are conflicting, this could be the subject of a report. However, this is only the beginning of a long process.

The journalist must first collect information by asking candidates what their parties will do to meet the needs and concerns of voters. This journalism reflects the voice of the voters.

Journalists must also ask candidates what they think of the most important concerns of voters and must also compare their statements with those of voters.

Voters must have a prominent place in the election news. It is imperative that candidates respond to the issues raised by voters.

1. Is. this report accurate? The facts and the names are all correct? Am I convinced of the veracity of the information? I provided sufficient efforts to confirm the accuracy of the information?

2. Is the report fair and objective? Include all the facts of the story without giving a particular favor to a party or to a candidate?

3. Is my work responsible journalism? My information had - they were obtained without corruption or illegal activities? The report protects t - it its sources and comply with electoral and media laws?

4. The report reflects the voices of the voters? Contain important information for electors? Communicate the concerns of the voters to politicians?

5. The report addresses the event in its entirety? The words, photos, audio-visual sequences reflect the true history of the event?^25(*)

6. The report help voters to be better informed about the elections and thus to make reasonable decisions which serve to best interests.

7. Are the elections free and fair? There is more information about the elections should publish?

Today, the media have an important influence on the elections of a country and also participate in the perception of the regime by foreign countries.

Professional journalism is therefore to inform entirely citizens on important topics and issues and alternatives proposed so that they can vote consciously.

The elections must be fair. There must be legislation guaranteeing a secret ballot for all citizens. All applicants must also have the same rights and the same opportunities to conduct their election campaigns without interference any. Laws must be applied in a fair manner and each must respect the results of the poll.

The elections represent a huge challenge for the media. It is imperative that journalists know - feel the electoral laws. So much more than their reports devoted to the candidates, parties politics and important topics must be objective. The media should be the voice of the voters.

The criteria of professional journalism such as accuracy, objectivity and responsibility must be respected by all journalists. On the other hand, journalists should be prepared to work for a limited period and under strained conditions where pressures from Parties with important issues are possible.

In this chapter it will basically analysis question the way in which the national television to balanced, covered and diffuse the information involved 11 candidates for the 2011 presidential election. The DRC to organized elections in 2011 with 11 candidates in the race as follows:

CHACHAT defines the population of study as a set of individuals covered by the study. The boundaries of this population and its characteristics are defined according to the objectives of the investigation.

According to LESELBAU, N. The population covered by the survey is considered to be "a human set characterized which sought to know opinions, needs, reactions... It is characterized, -said that it had common characteristics enabling identification psychological, social individuals of this group.

As for MUCCHELLI, R, the study population is all persons on the door investigation and which constitutes a community.

In this regard, our study population, it is composed of 34 national television journalists who have covered elections in 2011. Its journalists are selected according to their variables.

For YATES, quoted by KALRA ELWA, M. the essential aim of any process of sample is obtaining a sample which, taking into account its reproduced limited size, the characteristics of the population, particularly those affecting the researcher as accurately as possible.

LUHAHI, defines 'sample' as 'a fixed finite population, which can count the elements with the ability to produce this sample is capable of representing the parent population in its own characteristics, means having the nature of items to be treated, the degree of precision to which we want to achieve.^26(*)

As for DE LANDSHEERE, g., 'sample' is considered as "the choice of a limited number of individuals or events whose observation makes it possible to draw some general conclusions applicable to the entire population, within which the choice was made.

From this last definition, our sample consisted of 34 journalists who responded to our survey protocol.

Because we do not have at our disposal the means to us moved to field, we have sent our survey to the country, which allowed us to well done this research. The questions were sent by email box and reproduced for 34 journalists constituting our sample.

The collection data realized on basis of a questionnaire for 34 national television journalists who covered the elections of 2011, compared with our sample, and for the latter, we have asked oral questions and answers that have been given to us were rated on a file of responses to interview that we have selected.

The selection of answers were provided taking into account people who have expressed their wishes for us to deliver information to our study.

It is worth noting that the counting of our questionnaire has taken into account the gender variable. This variable we identified variables such as the age group, level of study, socio-professional category, in addition, the data of the survey is to-say replies to the questionnaires were included in the tables, these tables are developed using the expressed frequency calculations or percentages.

Comment T1: the reading of this table shows that the 34 respondents, 22 subjects or 64,71% consist of men, while 12 issues, or 36.29 per cent are female. This can be explained by the fact that women, through their physical abilities could not withstand the jostling crowds at meetings. This can also if explained by the fact that at that time, women journalists from national television had not yet experienced to cover the elections.

Sex and age	Male		Female		Frequency	Percentage Total
Sex and age	F	%	F	%	Frequency	Percentage Total
20 à 25 years	3	13,63	1	8,35	4	11,76
25 à 30 years	5	22,73	5	41,67	10	29,41
30 à 35 years	7	31,82	4	33,33	11	32,35
35 à 40 years	4	18,19	2	16,67	6	17,65
40 years or more	3	13,63	00	00	3	8,82
Total	22	100	12	100	34	100

Comment T2. It is clear that in this table on 34 respondents, 4 topics, or 11.77% were group of age ranging between 20 and 25 years, followed by 10 subjects, either 26,41% who have age ranging between 25 and 30 years of age; followed also by 11 subjects, either 32.35% who were the age group ranging from 30 to 35 years, followed in 6 subjects continued, 17.65% who have varying between 35 and 40 years old age group or finally 3 subjects, 8.82% who have varying between 40 years age group or more.

Sex Level of study	Male		Female		Total
	F	%	F	%	Frequency	Percentage
Secondary	2	16,67	1	8,33	3	8,82
Colleges and/ universities	20	74,33	11	92,67	31	92,18
Total	22	100	12	100	34	100

Comment T3: The above table shows that the respondents 34, 31 respondents or 92, 67% have a University or higher level while 3 issues or 8.33% have a secondary study. This brings us to infer that media coverage of the presidential elections in 2011 have been ensured by intellectual journalists.

Table N ° 04: Distribution of responses to the question related to the jurisdiction.

Comment T4: Indicated in this table 23 topics, or 67.65% of our respondents have asserted have covered elections in 2011 with good quality material, while 11 subjects 33.35% says have not worked with materials of good quality for the media coverage of elections in 2011.

With regard to these results, we say that national television reporters lacked pretext to provide as regards media coverage of elections in 2011, because they had such devices that, digital and digital cameras, Dictaphones, MP3, digital telephones, etc.

Table N ° 5: Attitude of journalists from national television during coverage of the 2011 elections.

Answers	Frequency	Percentage
Men and women of media	0	00
Politicians	0	00
Made political	27	79,41
All citizen	4	11,77
Hesitant	3	10,82
Total	34	100

Comment T5: We read in this table that the majorities of respondents surveyed journalists 79.41%, shows they had played during the media coverage of the presidential elections in 2011, the role of men policy, however 4 subjects, 11.77% said that during the reports, they had adopted the attitude of every citizen elector; then 3 journalists either 10.82% is these are not pronounced. Aside from 79.41% to 11.77% extends delivered we believe that the majority of the national television journalists had no summary jurisdiction comply with the rules of ethics and journalistic ethics and had a position of accomplice becoming them even to politicians.

Table 6: distribution of the answers to how to cover the meetings and ceremonies during the campaign period.

Answers	Frequency	Percentage
Coverage on the place of meting	12	45,30
Monitoring	2	4,65
Reporting to the plateau	2	5,88
Emission débat	8	30,59
Interview vedette	1	2,94
micro Player	4	7,76
Tock-show	5	12,88
Total	34	100

Comment T6: We read according to the results in this table the most part journalists covered the companion elections 2011 instead of meeting with 12 subjects, 45.30%, 2 subjects either, 4.65% have made the cover by monitoring, 2 issues, or 5.88 by reporting on the plateau, 8 subjects or 30, 59% by Emissions debates, 1 subject, or 2.94% by interviews featured, 5 topics, 2.88% by Tock-show. This may mean that during coverage of the 2011 presidential elections, many journalists have been reporting on the place of meeting.

Table 7: Breakdown of answers in relation to the professional qualities of the journalists who have covered elections in 2011.

Answers	Frequency	Percentage
Honesty	-	00,00
Functionality	2	4,20
exactness	1	2,94
Responsibility	2	4,35
truth	1	2,86
Sincerity	1	2,16
Credibility	-	-
None	28	86,10
Total	34	100

Comment T7: this table reading 86.10% of our respondents say no professional-grade explanation have put into practice in front of multiple pressures to which they were victims.

Table 8: distribution of answers to the question, have you been under political pressure to serve the interests of a candidate?

Comment T8: the reading of this table it appears that many of our respondents either 90,10% received political pressure and the employer to cover only the events of the party in power, and only 10.90% did not receive that kind of pressure. This is to say that the journalists had their hands tied during this period.

Table 9: distribution of answers to the question, how have you divided your reports for the 11 candidates:

N°	Candidats	Report	Frequency	Percentages
1	Andeka Djamba	-	-	00,00%
2	Bombole Intole	-	-	00,00%
3	Kabila Kabange	105	22	74,12%
4	Kasese Malela	-	-	00,00%
5	Kamerhe Vital	10	3	7,24%
6	Oscor Kashala	3	1	2,10%
7	Kengo wa Dondo	5	2	4,00%
8	Mbusa Nyamwisi	2	1	2,10%
9	Nzanga Mobutu	3	2	4,00%
10	Mukendi Kamana	-	-	00,00%
11	Tshisekedi Wa Mulumba	20	3	7,24%
Total	11	148	34	100

Comment T9: this table reading we note once again more than the 3 candidate and current president has been the most privileged of the reporters from the national television with 105 stories, or 74,12% thus making a real difference to the other candidates yet with the same right of access to television services national, with only 26% for the rest of the candidates.

Table No. 10: distribution of the answer to the question was you satisfied with the work you produced during the elections in 2011 as a professional journalist and serving on national television?

Comment T10: as you may have noticed in this survey 24 table either 65.86% was not satisfied with their work during this period, they say have been taken hostage by pressures of any kind, while 10 respondents, or 35, 14% were satisfied with their work.

Table N ° 11: distribution of the answers to the question you physically threatened when travelling in places of the campaigns of the candidates.

Comment 11: How can see from this chart, 19 respondents or 54.25% have been threatened physically by some supporters of political parties, while 46.75 per cent, or 15 subjects claim to have not been threatened during their travels.

Category B: the results according to the distribution of airtime on national television of 11 candidates.

Interpretation: In this figure on the importance given to each candidate, it is clear that candidate 3 was the most protected by the authorities of the national television; they explain that the fact that they received them also orders.

Figure 2: Time's cover on land granted to candidates during the election campaign

Interpretation: in this graphic of the results of our investigations it is demonstrated that during the election campaign from 2011 throughout the country with national television candidate N°3

Airtime granted to candidates during the period from Friday 4 to Friday, November 26, 2011 on the public channel
N°	Candidats	Times
01	Joseph kabila kabange	15h50'48''
02	Léon kengo wa Dondo	1h26'34''
03	Vital Kamerhe lwa Kanyingi	1h51'13''
04	Etienne Tshisekedi wa Mulumba	1h28'19''
05	François-Joseph Nzanga Mobutu	1h46'02''
06	François-Nicephore Kakese Malela	40'35''
07	Adam Bombole Intole	52''
08	Andeka Djamba	20'05''

Interpretation: it is in this table of time allocated to each candidate in the presentation of its plans for the development of the country on national television. As you notice only 8 candidates on the 11 had this time with a non-equitable sharing.

Searching for a good understanding on media coverage during the presidential elections in 2011 by national television has been the leitmotif of this work. We started from the idea that the Organization of the second free democratic and transparent elections has left footprints in the recent political history of the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Also, today it is important that all the skills related to the provision by the national television have known more often as weak points. This work of mass communication is obviously the work of journalists.

Today, the media have an important influence on the elections of a country and also participate in the perception of the regime by foreign countries.

Freedom of expression must be guaranteed to ensure that citizens and all political parties express themselves without fear. The media must be free to communicate to citizens everything that has been said in the election campaign without being subjected to pressures that might contain the truth. Professional journalism has for mission to fully inform citizens about the problems and issues and alternatives proposed so that they can vote consciously.

The elections represent a huge challenge for the media. It is imperative that journalists are aware of the electoral laws. As their coverage of the candidates, political parties and important topics must be objective. The media should be the voice of the voters.

The media play a crucial role in the construction of public space and thus in the establishment of conditions conducive to democratic expression, the proper functioning of public institutions and political bodies. In all countries, but even in a country emerging from a civil crisis as profound as that experienced by the Democratic Republic of Congo, media have a direct responsibility and especially TV so-called national democratic processes.

No democracy without public space, not public space without reliable, pluralistic information, shared by all. This is the reason why it is essential to raise awareness the media responsibilities, and the rules that it imposes on them, on ethics, ethical and professional.

But this media accountability should be placed directly into the hands of policy makers, who are, in all countries of the world, quick to consider the media as tools in the service of their own partisan interests, not as independent bodies for the expression of pluralism. Hence the need for autonomous control over Government, but recognized structures in its legitimacy by all the actors of public life.

From this point of view, it is important to emphasize to at the outset the importance of the resolutions taken at Sun city by delegates to the Inter Congolese Dialogue aimed at the establishment of an independent institution responsible for regulating the media in the transitional Constitution is fundamental for the congolese media it is indeed to create the conditions that ensure both the freedom of the media the right of all citizens to a pluralistic and reliable information the neutrality of public media, in particular during an election period.

The 2011 elections have constituted for the Congolese population, a historic moment because since 46 years of accession of our country to international and national sovereignty, it is only the second time that the DRC organized multiparty elections after 2006.

To help the population to take well-founded decisions, it is necessary to have a free press. Not only the media must be free, but they must be serious and trustworthy. They must be able to freely express different points of view. Whatever the place, journalists have established principles and criteria to provide credible information. Unfortunately, there are still journalists who are obliged to work under duress imposed by Governments or powerful interests that interfere in the professionalism.

Therefore, advertising materials of the campaign, radio, Television and the print media, the internet, debates and interviews that give applicants the opportunity to present their programs to public voters must be covered by journalists filling profile recommended to the trade. Media reporting will take the form of information, including the importance of electoral participation by explaining with honesty and responsibility to the public, how, where and when to place the vote.

To this end, the work of a media and more specifically in the audio-visual sector in front of a multitude of candidates, acquires for most cases, a more sensitive as the elections or vote assumes a struggle of interest differ between the need of power and the expectations of the population, a clash of democratic values, procedures and actions which tend to eliminate the opponent and the only mediator remains the journalist.

However, during the election coverage, looking for the facts, likely stories to provide clarification on the voting procedures, contact with information sources electoral namely candidates requires a celebrity, professionalism proved with respect to harvesting and treatment information as well as, according to the ethics of the profession, a responsibility on the part of the journalist and the media in general which was not the case of the work of the national television of the DRC during the elections of 2011.

The fundamental question we are asked we to assume that in a situation or election period, the media tend, to ensure effective coverage of political campaign operations that occur, load the journalists the best scientifically and technically informed on electoral issues.

This we brought confirmed our hypothesis for the cover of the 2011 elections, National Congolese television station of Kinshasa has not mobilized means suitable and adequate professional to encourage the pursuit of excellence that it searches through the dissemination of quality information, that is true, objective, and timely. It more served power in place and candidates at any level outgoing so its editorial line first serve every Congolese citizen regardless of its political colors, its origins and religion.

After our investigation it turns out that some political pressures did not on national television to be in the center of the elections. These journalists have worked hands tied not practical allowing them a professional journalist respecting ethics and professional ethics.

By conducting this study, concern major and objective fundamental, was the one to help any journalist to understand what we mean by the 'social responsibility' in his profession.

We have desired contributed through this research by putting at the disposal of the men of the media a tool that can serve them in the coverage of elections.

Our concern this from or even the rate of conflicts related to the elections through the work of journalists can significantly decrease in Africa and particularly in the DRC after the publication of this research.

We recognize that everything was said in this research and scientific study is not perfect and complete, but at least we have sought the truth and we recognize provided considerable efforts to make us understand.

This study was divided into five chapters, the first spoke of the introduction, the second chapter on the literature review, the third on the role of the media during the election period, the fourth on the analysis of given and interpretation of results, and the fifth on the conclusion.

The Act organic No. 11/001 of January 10, 2011, on the composition, powers and functions of the Superior Council of audiovisual and Communication also establishes the powers of public bodies. This reference has these powers we suggest the following:

· national television must give access to any Congolese citizen has its services without discrimination of races, or religions, or even political colors,

· For the next elections the right to broadcast on the antennae of the events of the various candidates must be fair.

· Those journalist reporters are responsible and can be ethics and ethics when it comes to media coverage.

· journalists to be impartial when it comes to organize broadcasts debate or they must question the different candidates of political parties,

· do not fall into political manipulation to ultimately divert the value information;

· Do not fall into the pressure from the authorities' policy to not disseminate the true information and demonstrate honesty.

· Journalism is a liberal profession, it must be practiced without any political interference,

BERTRAND, CJ. Matias, introduction to the press, radio and television, 2nd edition ellipse, 1999.

CAMMACK, DIANA, Election Reporting: a Practical Guide to media monitoring, London: Article 19, 1988. CARVE, RICHARD. Media and Election Index, Administration and Cost of Elections (ACE) Project. http://www.aceproject.org, 2001.

Chirambo, Kondwani and Mccullum, Hugh, Reporting Elections in Southern Africa: A Media Handbook. Windhoek, Namibie : le programme de démocratie durable SARDC. Université de Namibie, Département d'études d'information et de communication, 2000.

Clark, Roy Peter and Cole C. Campbell. The Values and Craft of American Journalism: Essays from the Poynter Institute. Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2005.

Kim Kierano, Voters queue in front of a polling station in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, on day national vote on July 27

NGOMA BINDA, political participation, ethical, for a culture of peace, democracy and good governance, Kinshasa, ITEP, 2005

POTER, IAN, elections training curriculum, Impacts media, and election program, Cambotra, 2003.

RENARD, Y, practice of journalism in a conflict zone, condensed course of Journalism Radio Okapi 2003.

HABERMAS, J., Theory and Practice 2, the collection policy, Paris, payol 1975

HOWARD, ROSS, Report on the Proceedings: Media and Elections Roundtable. Vancouver: IMPACS Institute for Media, Policy and Civil Society, Vancouver, 2001.

MARTHOZ, JEAN PAUL. Election Reporting, A Media for Democracy Handbook. London: international Federation of Journalists, 2000. POTER, IAN. Elections

POTER, IAN. Elections Training Curriculum: IMPACS Media and Elections Program Cambodia 2003. Phnom Penh : Institute for Media, Policy, and Civil Society, 2003.

SCHNELLINGER, LISA. Free & Fair: A Journalist's Guide to Improved Election Reporting in Emerging Democracies. Washington, DC: International Centre for Journalists, Washington, 2001

Hachten, William A. Troubles of Journalism: A Critical Look at What's Right and Wrong with the Press. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 3ed edition, 2004.

Hamilton, James T. All the News That's Fit to Sell: How the Market Transforms Information into News. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003.

Overholser, Geneva and Kathleen Hall Jamieson. The Press. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2005.

Sloan, W. David et Lisa Mullikin Parcell . American Journalism: History, Principles, Practices. Je? erson, NC : McFarland & Company, 2002.

KABONGO KALALA KANDA Isidore. Transforming the radio and state television into of interest services public, Audit of the RTNC, January 6, 2006

2. Press articles

BBC Producer's Guidelines. http://www.bbc.co.uk/info/editorial/prodgl/contents.htm

Journalism Ethics: The New Debate. Washington: International Center for Journalists, 1998.

Training Curriculum: IMPACS Media and Elections Program Cambodia 2003. Phnom Penh : Institute for Media, Policy, and Civil Society, 2003.

The First Amendment Handbook. Arlington, VA : The Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press, 2003. http://www.rcfp.org/handbook/index.html

MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT ZIMBABWE. Elections Reporting, a practical guide. Harare: Media Monitoring Project, 1998. MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT ZIMBABWE. Direct access to the media in election campaigns:

INSTITUTE FOR WAR AND PEACE REPORTING, Media Development and Training Materials. Www.iwpr.net. Lange, Yasha and Palmer, Andrew, media and Elections: a Handbook, European Institute for Media. Düsseldorf : 1995.

A review of International Practice and Some Recommendations for Zimbabwe. Harare: Media Monitoring Project, 2001. SCHNELLINGER, LISA. Free & Fair: A Journalist's Guide to Improved Election Reporting in Emerging Democracies. Washington, DC : International Centre for Journalists, Washington, 2001.

Direct access to the media in election campaigns: A review of International Practice and Some Recommendations for Zimbabwe. Harare: Media Monitoring Project, 2001.

3. WEBSITES

Network for the Defense of Independent Media in Africa (NDIMA) http://www.oneworld.org/ndima

Abstract.....................................................................................................1

Acknowledgements.......................................................................................2

Chapter One..............................................................................................3

1.1 Introduction....................................................................................3

1.2 Background.....................................................................................3

1.3 Problem statement ...............................................................................4

1.4 Hypothesis.......................................................................................7

1.5 Justification.......................................................................................7

1.6 Aims and objective..............................................................................8

1.7 Scope and Limitation...........................................................................8

1.8 Significance of the Study.....................................................................9

1.9 Research Methodology.........................................................................9

1.10 Organization of the study....................................................................9

Chapter Two: LITERATURE REVIEW.........................................................10

2.1 MEDIA AND ELECTIONS..................................................................... 10

2.2. THE MEDIA BROADCAST...................................................................15

3. NO DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS WITHOUT FREE AND PLURALISTIC MEDI......................................................................................................18

4. JURISDICTION MEDIA ANALYTICS.......................................................21

5. THE CONGOLESE MEDIA LANDSCAPE...............................................23

1. ELECTIONS .........................................................................................35

1.1 FREE ELECTION ........................................................................... 36

1.2 DEMOCRATIC ELECTION...............................................................37

1.3 TRANSPARENT ELECTIONS............................................................37

1.4 OTHER DEFINITIONS.....................................................................38

II. ELECTORAL SYSTEMS........................................................................39

V. THE CITIZEN JOURNALISM...........................................................59

VI. THE ELECTION INTERVIEW...........................................................61

VII. THE OPINION POLLS.....................................................................63

Chapter Four: CONTENET ANALYSIS OF CONGOLESE NATIONAL TV COVERAGE...........................................................................................78

1. STUDY OF THE POPULATION.........................................................78

2. STUDY SAMPLE .............................................................................79

4. COUNTING OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE...............................................80

5. ANALYSIS OF DATA........................................................................80

5.1. SUMMARY .....................................................................................91

5.2. CONCLUSION ................................................................................92

5.3. RECOMMENDATION.....................................................................94

References................................................................................................96

Contents................................................................................................100

Appendix................................................................................................102

Appendix

It is noteworthy as the counting of our questionnaire took account of the sex variable. Of this variable we generated variables such as age bracket, level of education, occupational status, In addition, the survey data that is to say the questionnaires responses were included in the tables, these tables are developed using calculations of frequencies or percentages expressed. This work will be based on a sample of 34 journalists who covered the 2011 elections on national television in Kinshasa city.

A/ ............................................................

3. Did you have at your disposal adequate equipment for good media coverage of the 2011 elections?

..............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................

4. What attitude did you have adopted during this period as a journalist of the national television?

a) man and woman press?
b) politician?
c) politicized?
d) any citizen?
e) Undecided
f) other answers .................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................

5. How have you proceeded to cover the events of the various candidates? and what are the techniques you applied?

A/..............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................

a) Honesty?
b) Functionality?
c) Appropriateness?
d) Liability?
e) Truth?
f) Sincerity?
g) Credibility?
h) Any?
i) Other answers .............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................

7. Have you been under political pressure order or your employer to support this or that candidate?

a) Yes
b) No
c) Other answers .................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................

9. Were you satisfied with work you have realized as a professional journalist and serving the general interest of the whole people?

2. CATEGORY B / Questions related to the time of repartee antenna by candidates. Questions addressed to the general direction of the national television.

11. How important do you have granted to the antenna for each candidate during the 2011 elections?

12. What has been the time given coverage on the air to each candidate at for their election campaigns on national television?

13. In order to explain to the people their country's development plans how many hours have you given to each candidate?

14. How long they realized each for disseminating their campaign commercials on National TV?

15. How have you repartee the working time for different press conferences of each candidate?

Through this research, we are happy to announce our innovation and invention yet again in the field of journalism that "the theory of three verbs" After the publication of my books in Germany and France on Media here I present to you our new contribution and innovation that will be if you let it be published in our research.

This theory which is based on three most important verbs that a professional media must take account in his daily work they are even nuclei journalism and reporter. We believe that these three verbs are never escaped a professional journalist. These three verbs allow a professional resume work by the journalist. These are verbs:

ü Interest: Done everything in journalism is not information; the journalist must realize first that his information should interest the target audience. In what journalist covering events is the eye and ear of the public, he must make his work of university professors, leading researchers, to farmers, presidents, writ has categories of persons of every kind for do this the information must be always be interesting and professional.

ü Hang: the question every professional journalist arises is how to hang my audience. It is possible that the information we have is interesting, or even very interesting question remains as to how I can attract people's attention to what I say. This not easy to hung a large number of people who have different interests on a fact why journalists must be talented.

When I diffuse such or such information, people should stay in their lounges to follow. For this talent and professionalism high ranking must be practiced by the journalist. What is interesting at this point must also attract attention and gave a desire follow.

ü Inform: it is useless to do journalism, if at the end of his reportage one will not be given to measuring essential information. The width of the work of reporter informed as drop point. the information you have may be interesting, you may also be able to hung a large number of audience, but in the end you must inform, the most informative message must go, people who have found the interest and were to hang on to your information should in the end have an essential message. They must realize that the three verbs have been professionally respected by journalist.

* ¹ CAYROL, R., The media, print, radio and television, Paris, PUF, 1973, p 75

* ² BALLE, F, media corporations, radio and television, telecommunications

* ³ BERTRAND, CJ. Matias, introduction to the press, radio and television, 2nd edition ellipse, 1999.

* ⁶ NGOMA BINDA, political participation , ethical, for a culture of peace, democracy and good governance, Kinshasa, ITEP, 2005

* ⁷ POTER, IAN, elections training curriculum, Impacts media, and election program, Cambotra, 2003

* ⁸ CAMMACK, DIANA, Election Reporting: a Practical Guide to media monitoring, London: Article 19, 1988. CARVE, RICHARD. Media and Election Index, Administration and Cost of Elections (ACE) Project. http://www.aceproject.org, 2001.

* ⁹ Chirambo, Kondwani and Mccullum, Hugh, Reporting Elections in Southern Africa: A Media Handbook. Windhoek, Namibie : le programme de démocratie durable SARDC. Université de Namibie, Département d'études d'information et de communication, 2000.

* ¹⁰ Clark, Roy Peter and Cole C. Campbell. The Values and Craft of American Journalism: Essays from the Poynter Institute. Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2005.

* ¹¹ MARTHOZ, JEAN PAUL. Election Reporting, A Media for Democracy Handbook. London: international Federation of Journalists, 2000. POTER, IAN. Elections

* ¹² POTER, IAN. Elections Training Curriculum: IMPACS Media and Elections Program Cambodia 2003. Phnom Penh : Institute for Media, Policy, and Civil Society, 2003.

* ¹³ KABONGO KALALA KANDA Isidore. Transforming the radio and state television into of interest services public, Audit of the NTV, January 6, 2006

* ¹⁶ Hachten, William A. Troubles of Journalism: A Critical Look at What's Right and Wrong with the Press. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 3ed edition, 2004.

* ¹⁷ Hamilton, James T. All the News That's Fit to Sell: How the Market Transforms Information into News. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003.

* ¹⁸ BBC Producer's Guidelines. http://www.bbc.co.uk/info/editorial/prodgl/contents.htm

Journalism Ethics: The New Debate. Washington: International Center for Journalists, 1998.

* ¹⁹ Training Curriculum: IMPACS Media and Elections Program Cambodia 2003. Phnom Penh : Institute for Media, Policy, and Civil Society, 2003.

The First Amendment Handbook. Arlington, VA : Th e Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press, 2003. http://www.rcfp.org/handbook/index.html

* ²⁰ Network for the Defense of Independent Media in Africa (NDIMA) http://www.oneworld.org/ndima

* ²¹ SCHNELLINGER, LISA. Free & Fair: A Journalist's Guide to Improved Election Reporting in Emerging Democracies. Washington, DC: International Centre for Journalists, Washington, 2001.

* ²³ Overholser, Geneva and Kathleen Hall Jamieson. The Press. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2005.

* ²⁴ Sloan, W. David et Lisa Mullikin Parcell . American Journalism: History, Principles, Practices. Je? erson, NC : McFarland & Company, 2002.

* ²⁵ INSTITUTE FOR WAR AND PEACE REPORTING, Media Development and Training Materials. www.iwpr.net. Lange, Yasha and Palmer, Andrew, (éditeurs). Media and Elections : a Handbook, European Institute for Media. Düsseldorf : 1995.

* ²⁶ MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT ZIMBABWE. Elections reporting, a practical guide. Harare: Media Monitoring Project, 1998. MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT ZIMBABWE. Direct access to the media in election campaigns: