Memoire Online - Les relations cubano-américaines - Silke Pijck, Amina Ibragimova, Celia Ghezzal, Anaïs G

CARRE Maxence GHEZZAL Celia GOUTTEBARON Anaïs IBRAGIMOVA Amina PIJCK Silke

PETRY Morane

Année : 2020-2021

Tuteurs : Patrick Moreno, Patricia Franco Astillero

I) Dans quelle mesure peut-on parler de progrès concernant les relations entre Cuba et les États-Unis depuis le début du mandat d'Obama en 2009 ? (p.6 - p.25)

II) Quels sont les éléments qui nous permettent de parler de revers ou de déceptions concernant les attentes autour de la relation cubano-américaine ? (p.26 - p.34)

III) Quelles sont les répercussions régionales et mondiales de la relation conflictuelle entre les États-Unis et Cuba ? (p.35 - p.43)

Graphique 2 : Graphique circulaire illustrant les principales sources d'importation de Cuba, 2017 (p.17)

Introduction

L'embargo est un terme qui peut être utilisé pour désigner plusieurs situations : interdiction aux navires marchands de quitter le port ; mesures administratives ou militaires destinées à empêcher la libre circulation des marchandises ou des objets...

Celui imposé à Cuba, instauré le 3 février 1962, était un embargo économique, commercial et financier, qui a modifié l'entièreté du fonctionnement de l'île. Les États-Unis, ayant participé à l'instauration de cet embargo, voient leur relation avec l'île se dégrader jusqu'à ce que cette dernière devienne emblématique. Les États-Unis représentent le capitalisme, Cuba le socialisme et l'on voit se dessiner clairement un affrontement idéologique, un affrontement entre le Nord et le Sud, et une remise en question de l'impérialisme états-unien. De plus, il ne faut pas oublier que leurs relations étaient déjà complexes pour commencer, sachant que les États-Unis avaient déjà légitimé une intervention armée imposée en 1901 dans l'amendement à la Constitution Cubaine.

Pendant le dix neuvième siècle, les États-Unis étaient fortement non-interventionnistes, mais au début du vingtième siècle, ils se sont rendus compte de l'avantage économique et géostratégique que représentait Cuba (les plantations de canne à sucre mais aussi son emplacement, au centre du continent et son caractère insulaire). Ils ont d'abord essayé d'acheter l'île à Madrid, sans succès. Cela n'a pas affecté le commerce entre l'île et les États-Unis, ce qui a causé à cette dernière de devenir fortement dépendante. Ils ont alors par la suite essayé de trouver un moyen de pouvoir agir sur l'île sans pour autant avoir à donner d'explications, et c'est alors qu'est apparu l'Amendement Platt en 1901. L'amendement définissait comment Cuba devait agir ou non, et diminuait ses libertés politiques et économiques : les États-Unis pensaient que Cuba ne pouvait pas se gérer correctement étant un peuple mixte, avec une forte communauté noire d'anciens esclaves : cela a été nommé la théorie du «fruit mûr" ou «the ripe fruit thesis», et représentait la croyance selon laquelle cette communauté noire et cubaine tirerait Cuba vers le bas (en contaminant les autres, comme les fruits). Ainsi, les États-Unis acceptaient de retirer leurs troupes armées de l'île, à la suite de la guerre d'indépendance cubaine, seulement si l'Amendement Platt était appliqué. Ils ont alors commencé à s'intéresser à l'île de plus en plus dans les années qui ont suivies, et ont vite contrôlé une grande partie des commerces cubains comme les télécommunications, le commerce du sucre... Cuba a réagi en effectuant de grandes nationalisations, ce qui lui a valu une réaction très vive des États-Unis et du reste de l'Amérique.

L'île s'était faite alliée de l'URSS, avec des accords d'échanges commerciaux qui avaient été mis en place (accords Castro-Mikoyan) sur le sucre et le pétrole, ce qui a valu à Washington de rompre ses relations diplomatiques avec Cuba en 1961. L'URSS a de son côté continué à soutenir financièrement Cuba. Alors, le 25 janvier 1962, l'Organisation des États Américains ¹ a décidé d'exclure Cuba de par son alliance avec l'URSS. Le 3 février 1962, elle était déjà

1 L'Organisation des États Américains: Organisation créée en 1948, située à Washington qui regroupe la plupart des États d'Amérique

victime d'un embargo économique. L'enfermement de Cuba sur elle-même dans une «quarantaine» (tel était son nom à l'époque) est donc directement lié aux événements de la Guerre Froide. Les États-Unis et l'URSS, les deux superpuissances du milieu du vingtième siècle, étaient ennemis idéologiques et en quête de la première place mondiale. Elles s'affrontaient dans une guerre complexe, sans jamais se battre directement: c'était une guerre idéologique, culturelle, militaire, scientifique....

Cuba et l'URSS, à l'époque les deux premières rivales des États-Unis, ont par la suite conclu un accord pour pouvoir installer des missiles soviétique sur l'île (opération Anadyr), et ainsi obtenir un avantage géostratégique direct sur les États-Unis. Cet acte va provoquer ce qu'on connaît aujourd'hui comme la Crise des Missiles, qui va durer du 16 octobre au 28 octobre 1962, paroxysme de la Guerre Froide. Le président John F. Kennedy et le Congrès ont alors pris la décision le 22 octobre 1962 de placer Cuba sous quarantaine²: tous les bateaux à destination de Cuba devaient être interceptés pour vérifier leur cargaison, pour protéger l'Amérique toute entière de la menace soviétique (selon les États-Unis).

On sait aujourd'hui que l'embargo a eu des conséquences considérables sur la façon de fonctionner de l'île et la vie de ses habitants. Celui-ci est d'ailleurs considéré selon l'ONG Amnesty International comme une violation des lois internationales concernant la morale, des terrains politiques et économiques mais aussi, un obstacle au droit de la santé des citoyens cubains. L'île n'était plus libre de se gérer comme elle le voulait, ni de créer des «alliances» ou des traités commerciaux et ne pouvait pas non plus se fournir en technologie de pointe par exemple. Le pays a donc dû trouver des alliés dont l'URSS et la Chine par la suite, qui partageaient la même idéologie, étant le socialisme et cela à partir des années 60. Les accords commerciaux avec le groupe communiste étaient l'un des seuls moyens pour Cuba de garder la tête hors de l'eau, sachant que les États-Unis avaient pour but à l'époque de déstabiliser l'économie cubaine, en les empêchant justement de commercer proprement.

De surcroît, comme conséquence à cet isolement mondial, et aux lois mises en place par les États-Unis, une part de la population Cubaine a commencé à quitter l'île pour rejoindre les États-Unis entre 1959 et 1994, période séparée en quatre vagues de migration (1959-1962, 1965-1973, les années 80, puis de 1993 à 1994). Ces dates suivent des évènements importants, la première vague ayant été lancée par la Révolution Cubaine puis la mise en place de l'embargo. La seconde correspond, elle, à l'ouverture du port de Camarioca permettant aux Cubains de quitter le territoire puis à la mise en place de la «Cuban Adjustement Act»³ en 1966. La troisième et la quatrième sont une réponse à un régime castriste de plus en plus strict, à la chute de l'URSS mais aussi aux accords «wet-foot, dry-foot" (qui garantissaient un accès aux migrants cubains aux États-Unis s'ils arrivaient par la terre, mais les renvoyaient à Cuba s'ils arrivaient par la mer) en 1994-1995.

La chute de l'URSS a fortement impacté Cuba dans un premier temps car le groupe soviétique était l'un des seuls pays à toujours commercer avec l'île. Les relations cubano-américaines qui n'étaient déjà pas très bonnes, ne se sont pas améliorées. À ce moment-là, G.H Bush est président des États-Unis, et entrevoit une chance de reprendre le contrôle de l'île : il met en place, avec le Congrès Américain en 1992, des sanctions beaucoup plus strictes avec notamment la Loi Torricelli⁴, qui apportait des peines aux pays qui assistaient Cuba, ou encore, empêchait un navire d'entrer sur le territoire étasunien pour une durée de 6 mois s'il avait accosté à Cuba. Cette loi ayant une notion d'extraterritorialité, sera utilisée comme justification de toutes les interventions ou du blocus fait à l'île. En 1995, la Loi Helms-Burton⁵ est annoncée et a été mise en place pour encore une fois sanctionner les pays ayant des relations commerciales avec Cuba, en grande majorité par des amendes.

Par la suite, dans les années 2000, la politique du gouvernement de Bush n'était pas du tout ouverte à la réintroduction de Cuba dans l'ordre mondial, ni à un rapprochement entre le territoire étasunien et l'île, qui ont quand même une relation de méfiance et de défiance, mais tout de même avec un certain degré de codépendance. Les conflits sont d'ordre socio-économique avec les migrations de populations, les blocus et les empêchements, il est aussi financier avec les interdictions de commerce, mais il est avant tout idéologique, les deux pays ayant des idéologies «ennemies» et surtout contraires. Ce conflit général a duré plus d'un demi-siècle, et il a fallu attendre l'arrivée d'Obama au pouvoir en 2008 pour voir une modification dans le schéma relationnel et la mention d'une envie de «réchauffement diplomatique».

Notre sujet s'inscrit dans une démarche d'observation et d'analyse, face aux relations difficiles entre Cuba et le géant étasunien, et dans une volonté de comprendre leur évolution. Nous sommes arrivés à la problématique suivante :

Dans quelles mesures peut-on parler d'avancées et de régressions dans les relations entre les États-Unis et Cuba depuis l'élection d'Obama jusqu'à la fin de la mandature de Trump et quelles sont les différentes forces derrière ces progrès ou absences de progrès ?

L'objectif principal de ce mémoire est de pouvoir apprécier et saisir des relations économiques, financières et sociales instables avec plusieurs acteurs, de mesurer et se rendre compte de leur impact non seulement sur les puissances concernées (ici les États-Unis et Cuba) mais aussi sur le reste du monde, qui doit souvent s'inclure et s'adapter à des conflits qui finissent par être mondialisés. Pour analyser le sujet suivant, nous allons voir tout d'abord dans quelles mesures nous pouvons parler de progrès concernant les relations entre Cuba et les États-Unis depuis le début du mandat d'Obama en 2009, puis quels sont les éléments qui nous permettent de parler de revers ou de déceptions concernant les attentes relatives à la relation cubano-américaine, et enfin quelles sont les répercussions régionales et mondiales de la relation tumultueuse entre les États-Unis et Cuba.

4 La loi Torricelli 1992 impose des sanctions à tous pays apportant de l'aide à Cuba

5 Officiellement appelée Loi sur la liberté et la solidarité démocratique de Cuba

I. To what extent can we talk about progress concerning the relationship between Cuba and the United States during the Obama

I. A) Which regional actors have been involved in this bilateral relationship and have they been able to take it forward?

In a context of globalized financial crisis, Cuba's forced isolation has not had the desired effect, which is why, in his speech of the 17th of December 2014, Barack Obama declared that "it's time for a new approach". It is also a critical period for the United States on the international scene since it has been losing its hegemony since the end of the Cold War (which can be attributed to the fall of the Berlin Wall and therefore to the year 1989). In order to regain this political and economic domination, the question of the embargo will be re-examined, which is why, since the inauguration of Barack Obama, the American-Cuban situation has undergone a historic change. But this evolution is not the fruit of a single tree, indeed, as you will be able to see through the reading of the part that follows, multiple actors came into play.

While Stephen Harper (02/2006 to 11/2015), Justin Trudeau's predecessor as the Canadian Prime Minister, was not particularly involved in improving relations between Cuba and the United States, this did not prevent Canada from being one of Cuba's main trading partners. This may raise some questions, since at the time of his inauguration, relations between Canada and Cuba were quite good, despite the absence of diplomatic relations, and the two countries enjoyed relatively large commercial exchanges (exceeding one billion dollars). However, Stephen Harper's new "Americas Strategy" rather explicitly excluded Cuba from its policies promoting a market economy, democratic governance, and the promotion of human rights. This has brought upon him (Stephen H.) much criticism centered on the fact that his policies are very similar to those of the Bush administration of the early 2000s. This concern about human rights is going to be at the center of Harper's politics toward Cuba, it is why the triangle (USA-Cuba-Canada) appeared to be «stuck», up until the election of Obama in 2008 and Trudeau in 2015. The Canadian media have also played a very important role in the hardening of the Harper government's policies towards Castro's, since, despite the fact that they supported the Cuban revolutionary movement in the 1950s, ever since the beginning of the 2000s, the lack of respect for human rights on the island has forced them to review their position. It is therefore with the support of the media and a neighboring leader named George W. Bush (for whom Cuba should be sanctioned) that Stephen Harper has been able to harden his policies towards Cuba.

To what extent did Canada play a decisive role in the restoration of a dialogue ?

The arrival of Barack Obama and his ideals at the head of the country that was at the origin of Cuba's isolation will mark a major turning point in the relations between the countries of the North American triangle. His new policies regarding Cuba opened the door to negotiations

between Havana and Washington, but neither of the two parties involved wanted to go negotiate on the other's territory. Canada being the only country in the American continent (besides Mexico) that has never officially broken off diplomatic relations with Cuba, and being an ally of the United States while also being a geographically close neighbor to both countries, made it the best choice for finding "neutral" ground on which to start negotiations. This position as an ally of the United States is all the more significant since Canada is a member of the Anglosphere, a grouping of countries that speak English and share certain cultural and historical elements with the United Kingdom. Canada is also a major economic partner of both countries, which allows it to have a certain power of influence, which raises another question: Regarding the current situation, would it have been possible for Canada to use its power of influence and thus to make the Cuban situation evolve differently from the beginning of Obama's inauguration? In spite of this, a series of negotiations spread out over a total period of 18 months between Washington and Havana could therefore begin.

It is also easy to imagine that without Canada's intervention, the US-Cuba dialogue would not have been resumed and therefore no progress would have been made towards re-establishing diplomatic relations.

Since the restrictive measures against Cuba come exclusively from the United States, it would be logical to expect that the United States would also be the instigator of a reorganization of relations between the two countries, there are two possible ways of doing this. The first and most common way is through Congress, which can issue bills and have them accepted, but it can also be a difficult barrier to overcome for the president in power. If a majority of the members of Congress oppose the President's bill, the President has no choice but to reconsider the bill or to use his executive power. This can happen when the Congress is not representative of the party in power, that is, if the Congress is not made up of a majority of members belonging to the political party of the current president. This was the case in 2015 with the 114th Congress of the United States when President Obama, who is a Democrat, found himself having to work with a Republican Congress. When Congress goes against what the President proposes, the President can then decide to use his executive power to pass legislation without it being able to be challenged or overturned by Congress. Thus, this is what Obama chose to do between late 2014 and early 2017 when a majority conservative and relatively recalcitrant Congress was unwilling to move the issue of Cuba and the embargo positively, or at least not quickly enough. Once the negotiations were over and diplomatic relations had been restored to a certain level, opening the way for more concrete actions that could have a real impact on the Cuban population, Obama decided to use his executive power to pass a series of new regulations.These regulations affected various areas of activity such as tourism, telecommunications and religion, which we will develop in more detail in the following section. One of the goals of using the executive branch was to anchor these new regulations as permanently as possible, and another was to allow for a rapidity of action otherwise impossible to achieve through Congress. This last point was all the more important as Obama was coming to the end of his second term and therefore his last

one, as the 22nd amendment of the American constitution forbids the accumulation of more than two presidential terms.

The search for a liberalization and an economic opening with Raul Castro and Barack Obama

Nevertheless, the liberalization of trade between Cuba and the United States could not be accomplished with the sole will of the Obama administration, it had to gain the confidence and support of Raul Castro, the current political leader of Cuba. Even if a restoration of economic relations and a relaxation of the restrictions that make up the embargo would benefit the Cuban economy much more than the American one. In order to achieve the objectives he had set, Obama, with the help of his administration, supported the establishment of a bi-lateral commission. Cuban and American delegations met to discuss a wide range of issues, and negotiations were held mainly in Washington or Havana. They addressed important issues such as immigration, human trafficking, drug trafficking, environmental problems, access to health care, coast guard interventions, human rights and health cooperation. As these negotiations began when the second term of its instigator was already well underway, they could only last 25 months (especially when we know Trump's position towards Latin American countries). These 25 months were nevertheless very productive, as 23 bilateral agreements were reached, based on issues of mutual interest such as those mentioned above, and allowed for the liberalization of the telecommunications sector on the island of Cuba, as well as a revival of tourism, even if it is still very much regulated.

The last two years of Obama's second term have therefore been very productive and bear witness to the progress made, thanks to which Cuba, for which the United States acted as guarantor, was able to take part in the 7th Summit of the Americas (SOA) held in Panama in 2015, a historic event, since Cuba had never been allowed to take part before. In addition, two other significant elements should be highlighted, the first being that thanks to the newly restored diplomatic relations, and after nearly 55 years, the embassies of both countries could be reopened in the opposite territories. The second is the abolition of the "wet foot/dry foot" policy (a policy that for nearly 50 years allowed Cubans to be welcomed in the United States if they managed to set foot on American soil, while all those intercepted at sea would be sent back to the island). Having been abolished at the very end of Obama's term, it had little impact on his presidency but will have a significant impact on the Cuban community in the United States and therefore on the Cuban-American electorate in the years to come.

How has the Cuban community in Florida developed since the arrival of the new generation of Cuban-Americans of immigrant background ?

This "wet foot/dry foot" policy was the starting point for what today represents 0.6% of the population of the United States, that is to say nearly 2 million people, we obviously want to talk about the Cuban-American community. Concentrated at 67% in the state of Florida, and more predominantly in Miami, this community is now undergoing significant changes. If what pushed the first wave of Cuban immigrants to reach the sunny shores of Miami in the 1960s was the escape from an authoritarian regime and the search for better living conditions,

today things are changing. These changes can be seen in the fact that the Cuban population is getting younger and younger and has different political views than their elders, which can be explained by the fact that the first waves of Cuban immigrants have had time to adapt, to start families, and therefore to give birth to a new Cuban-American generation.

A new generation born on American soil around 1980, that does not necessarily share their parents' animosity towards the Castro regime, and for good reason, they never lived it. Another change of mentality can be perceived through the question "Why Florida?" for the first Cubans to arrive on American soil, Florida was somehow imposed by its proximity to Cuba, for the following generations things are somewhat different. This feeling of belonging to a community well anchored in this peninsula will make this new generation not particularly seek to settle elsewhere, so it is a young generation of Cuban Americans who will, from the 2000s, seek to be heard and defend its political and economic interests through a united electorate that is gaining influence day by day.

To what extent have the Cuban-American Republicans played an important role in regards to the socio-political ties between the island and the United States ?

Since the 2000s, the Cuban electorate has gained in power, representing today more than the majority of the votes in Florida, winning the hearts of Cubans has become an important point in any US election campaign. The one who really stood out in this field is Obama, since he made Cuba a key element of his campaign. The figures speak for themselves, since a survey conducted among the Cubans revealed that in 2015, before Obama's official visit to Cuba, 51% of Cubans living in the United States were already in favor of normalizing relations, and 47% were also in favor of ending the embargo. In December 2016, at the end of his second term, a new study revealed that in one year Obama had managed to change the minds of a good number of Cubans, since from 51% to 56% in favor of normalization, and from 47% to 52% who supported the lifting of the embargo. These figures prove one important thing: the animosity of Cuban Americans towards the regime, once led by the man they called "Líder Máximo", is waning. Seeking to win over this public will therefore prove to be important for each presidential candidate, and to win over this public, the various candidates will seek to make promises that respond to the demands of this electorate. These demands logically reflect the opinion of Cubans living in Florida over the issue of future relations they would like to see established between the two countries, such as a lifting of the embargo or a normalization of socio-political relations as revealed by the polls conducted by Bendixen & Amandi International.

The power of Cubans in America is not limited to the United States and extends to Cuba through what can be linked to lobbying, a very common practice in the United States that consists of putting pressure on politicians in order to achieve a specific objective. Moreover, it is important to note that, economically speaking, this community is prosperous, unlike other migrant communities, Cubans are now well established in the economy and therefore possess significant socio-economic power. It can almost be said that Cubans living in the United States have greater decision-making power regarding Cuba's foreign policies than the ones living in Cuba, since they can influence the main obstacle to Cuba's development, the

United States. If there is anyone who can trigger the beginning of the end of the embargo and a normalization of relations, it is them.

As we have observed, there have been some major actors involved in the relationship between Cuba and the United States, like the Cuban community in Florida for instance. They played a primordial role in the evolution of the relationship between the two countries. Besides them, we are going to observe that some States or even free trade agreements put a real pressure on those countries in order to shift their actions accordingly to obtain some kind of improvement.

I. B) Which are the international actors that applied pressure on the progress of Cuba-US relations ?

The relationship between Cuba and the United States doesn't only involve their bilateral relations or the States (like Canada) that surround them geographically. In fact, there are other determinant actors in the evolution of their relations, at an international scale. Regional agreements (in South America) and international institutions have been playing a major role in Cuba's integration in worldwide relations, and as a consequence, they have been causing the relationship between Cuba and the United States to grow. First of all, we have to take a look at the international actors that put pressure on the US-Cuba relationship at a continental scale.

To begin with, the Organization of American States (OAS) was founded on 20 April 1948 in order to generate solidarity and cooperation among the Western Hemisphere. Despite being a founding member of this organization, it was only in June 2009 that Cuba's suspension from this organization was lifted, while Cuba's Marxist-Leninist government had previously been considered incompatible with the principles of the OAS system, which is why it was excluded in the first place. Concerning Cuba's readmission to the OAS, the Foreign Minister of Ecuador, Fander Falconí, explained: « This is a new proposal, it has no conditions. That suspension was made in the Cold War, in the language of the Cold War. What we have done here is to fix a historic error »⁶. But in January 2014, the Cuban Foreign Minister, Bruno Rodriguez, said that « Cuba's position in relation to the OAS remains unchanged, we will not return to it »⁷. We can see that, in spite of the efforts made by the OAS's members in favor of Cuba's integration in this organization, Cuba still refuses to re-join it, probably realizing that joining it means that they will have to abide by its rules. As we can see, in the twenty-first century, the majority of Latin American countries have been looking to replace the OAS, which is why we can witness that there are a lot of other regional organizations and agreements that exist to counter the OAS hegemony. To this extent, the island of Cuba joined the Latin American Integration Association (ALADI) in 1999, which was established in August 1980 during the Treaty of Montevideo to encourage trade integration, and the economic and social development of the region.

6 Fander Falconí. "OAS votes to lift suspension of Cuba". Miami Herald. 3 June 2009.

7 Bruno Rodriguez. «Cuba will not return to the OAS». Havana Times. 24 January 2014.

This integration mechanism replaced the former Latin American Free Trade Association (ALALC in Spanish) and made the integration more evident on a regional level than on a bilateral one. This decision to integrate Cuba is seen as a break with the economic embargo that the United States held against Fidel Castro's regime. Cuba isn't left isolated anymore and can increase its commercial relations and cooperation with the ALADI countries. Also on the economic front, the existence of regional free trade agreements, like the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) for example, has been having an impact on the relationship between Cuba and the United States. In November 2004, various leaders of South America, and especially Argentina, attempted to make Cuba a member of this regional trade bloc, showing their willingness to integrate Cuba and counter the embargo. Effectively, Argentinian ambassador Raul Taleb explained that the government was working for the integration of Cuba in Latin America. Raul Taleb clearly defends Cuba's integration into regional bodies, he therefore puts pressure on other countries (like Uruguay for instance) to make them see that the island's integration could counter the effects of the United States' embargo.

Furthermore, from the point of view of the Cuban Foreign Minister, M. Pérez Roque : « The blockade is the main obstacle to Cuba's social and economic development and has caused losses to our country of over 72 billion US dollars »⁸. He also explained that it was a cruel policy that had no support within or even outside the United States. As we can notice, the pressure that the leaders, ambassadors or ministers of foreign governments exercise on the integration of Cuba on the international stage is really strong and shows an opposition to US domination. Therefore, institutions like MERCOSUR played an important role in the regional and international recognition of Cuba, even if the island is not yet part of it. Another well-known agreement that put pressure on the Cuban-American relationship is the Caribbean Community and Common Market (CARICOM). In the Barbados Summit of December 2005, the members of CARICOM (Dominica, Grenada and Haiti to name just a few), agreed to deepen their cooperation. There were also embassies that opened on Cuba's territory at the same occasion. In addition to this, during the Caribbean Community Summit in December 2014 in Havana, its members called for an immediate lift of the embargo on Cuba. Nowadays, the 8th of December is celebrated as the « CARICOM-Cuba Day » because of the opening of diplomatic relations between the first four members of the organization and Cuba. What can be observed in these cases is that the members of agreements like MERCOSUR and CARICOM oppose themselves to the embargo of the United States on Cuba, and have been calling for its lift. This is significant because it highlights the fact that this situation is harmful for Cuba, and by condemning it they hope it will put an end to the embargo and that relations will get better. The Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) also estimates that the economic, financial and commercial embargo is opposed to the spirit of the charter of the United Nations and to international rights. In the Summit of January 2013, this organisation asked for the embargo's lift and the end of the Helms-Burton Act. The blocus is opposed to the rules of the WTO (World Trade Organization) and it limits the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals. By exposing these facts, they put pressure on the behaviour of the United States toward Cuba.

8 Pérez Roque. «Argentina determined to have Cuba in Mercosur». MercoPress. 5 November 2003.

Moreover, in a document elaborated by Carlos Antonio Villa Guzmán in October 2016, called « Las Relaciones de Estados Unidos y Cuba en el contexto del nuevo orden mundial »⁹ (US relations and Cuba in the context of the new world order), references are made to the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA). Cuba and Venezuela have founded this regional agreement in 2004. The author of this document also questions the political and economic domination that the United States have on Cuba, and shows that various actors and organizations are fighting against it. In the twenty-first meeting of the Political Council of ALBA-TCP (People's Trade Treaty) in March 2021, members asked to put an end to the US sanctions against Venezuela, Cuba and Nicaragua. The foreign ministers and other representatives of the member countries effectively consider that these sanctions violate the human rights of the populations and more recently make their fight against the COVID-19 pandemic more complicated. Another important fact has been the acknowledgment of Cuba in the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC). This project was created in 2010, and it explicitly excluded membership of the United States. The creation of CELAC represented a challenge to some previous projects that were dominated by the United States, like the OAS or the Summits of the Americas. This agreement helped facilitate the full integration of Cuba into hemispheric affairs, and its members stated their opposition against efforts made by the United States to isolate Cuba. This even contributed to President Barack Obama's decision in 2014 to further engage with the Cuban government.

Within the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States (ACP) which aims at a sustainable development, poverty reduction and a greater integration into the world's economy, Cuba is the only State that isn't signatory to the Cotonou Agreement (also known as the « ACP-EC Partnership Agreement ») which binds them to the European Union. This organisation was created in 1975, and Cuba became a full member in 1999. The objective is to integrate its Member-States into the global economy and the consolidation of stability in a democratic society. The ACP approved a resolution that condemned the US economic, commercial and financial blockade of Cuba. It had been stated that it was « preventing those states from exercising their legitimate right to determine their own political, economic and social system »¹⁰. It also demonstrated that it prevented Cuba from complying with its financial obligations to the ACP Group.

It also seems paradoxical to notice that, since 24 October 1945, Cuba is part of the United Nations. The island is also a founding member of the G77 (or Group of 77) which is an intergovernmental organization established in 1964 by developing countries. It provides the means for southern countries to promote their collective economic interests. The First South Summit had been held in Havana in April 2000. In the same way, Cuba's ascension to the leadership of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), at its fourteenth meeting in September 2006, shows the intent of counterbalancing the United States and the other rich nations on the world stage. Today, Cuba is a leader in the United Nations Human Rights Council, which

9 Carlos Antonio Villa Guzmán. «Las Relaciones de Estados Unidos y Cuba en el contexto del nuevo orden mundial». October 2016.

10 Pavel Jacomino. «African Caribbean Pacific Group condemns US blockade of Cuba». Radio Havana Cuba. Consulted on February 22, 2021 on 129556-african-caribbean-pacific-group-condemns-us-blockade-of-cuba

created some controversial debates about the fundamental freedoms that weren't respected and protected. In a report called « Freedom in the World» of 2020, Cuba obtained a score of 14 points out of a possible 100 with respect to civil and political liberties, the lowest score in Latin America. Thus, Cuba's reelection to the UN Human Rights Council in 2020 created a deep concern. Finally, there is an important pressure at international level concerning the political hostility of the United States towards Cuba. This opposition is clearly visible from the Inter-American community and the General Assembly of the United Nations Organisation, where 188 of the 192 member-countries voted against the embargo in October 2014. Moreover, in the Summits, there are threats of boycotts that testify of the solidarity towards Cuba and in order to reduce American influence in the region. For instance, the Venezuelan president from 1999 to 2013 Hugo Chavez, explained that the members of ALBA wouldn't attend the Sixth Summit of the Americas if Cuba wasn't invited. The threat of a collective boycott put the OAS that oversees this Summit and president Barack Obama to the test. By claiming Cuba's attendance at this Summit, Hugo Chavez and the members of ALBA implicitly require that Fidel Castro's regime takes full part in the OAS without applying to its democratic principles beforehand.

As can be noted, international institutions (United Nations Organization), regional agreements on the economic front (MERCOSUR, ALADI) and meetings held with government's representatives (Summits) are all together exerting influence on US-Cuba relations to promote regional stability and multilateralism. The goal of all these agreements is to obtain greater levels of autonomy facing US international influence. Cuban agreements with MERCOSUR for example have been important for the island's integration into hemispheric projects. All these projects, with the intention of integrating Cuba on the regional stage, condemn and call for the lift of the US embargo on the island, which puts pressure on the behavior of the United States toward Cuba. Nevertheless, besides this regional integration, it seems interesting to add that Cuba is not only participating in these relations, but it has progressively acquired a leadership role within them and even at a larger scale.

Secondly, besides those continental actors, there has also been an intercontinental and international pressure on the relationship between Cuba and the United States. In fact, outside of the relationship that Cuba has with its neighbors, there are more geographically distant actors that have also been playing a major role in the relationship of Cuba and the United States.

Indeed, Europe is showing its support in the process of social and economic reforms in Cuba. This can be observed through the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between Cuba and the European Union, signed on 12 December 2016. This international agreement mainly focuses on a political dialogue, cooperation and trade. Concerning the trade sector, the aim of the PDCA is to create a transparent atmosphere for economic operators and increase their capacity to create jobs. The European Union and Cuba are thereby searching to strengthen the United Nations as the heart of this multilateral system.

Also, they want to promote the strategic partnership between the EU and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC). What is important to notice here is that an EU representation office was opened in Havana in 2003, which was upgraded into an EU Delegation in 2008. This highlights the fact that this bilateral cooperation is gaining more and more strength.

In the pie chart (see above) from the EEAS on the cooperation measures between Cuba and the European Union between 1988 and 2018, we can see that the bilateral relations count for 50% of all global measures.

This idea of the existence of a bilateral agreement with the European Union has been mentioned by Arturo López-Levy. In his analysis of June 2019 « Cuba y el gobierno de Trump: Retorno al conflicto e implicaciones para la relación triangular con Europa » (in English : « Cuba and the Trump government : Return to conflict and implications for the triangular relation with Europe »), this author talks about a triangular dynamic between Cuba and the EU. He also demonstrates the fact that it is a new element that differs from previous periods.

Furthermore, we can see that the United States' relationship with China changed under Barack Obama's mandates. Yet, there already had been some major changes even before his 2008 election. In fact, with China entering the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in 2001 and the fact that this country is clearly in full boom, one can easily see that this had an impact on US-Cuba relations, because the fact that China joined the WTO emphasized the willingness of this country to access new trading partners. The United States expected in return that China got on board with their liberal-democratic order, which is not what happened. In consequence of this new economic partnership between the United States and China, the development of relations with Latin America doesn't represent a geostrategic or economic priority for the United States anymore. Actually, the attention of American entrepreneurs and politics is thus turned towards Asia. It was in fact Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama's first

Secretary of State, who led this policy change (calling it a « pivot») toward Asia. It was in November 2015 and by the Obama administration that the largest free-trade deal in U.S. history was pulled. This Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) linked 12 countries of the Pacific, but China was not on the list. Nevertheless, this project didn't get the congressional approval needed, which weakened the pivot between the United States and China. Also, since the start of the trade conflict between the US and China in 2018, the two countries have raised tariffs substantially on each other's exports, from 2.6% to 17.5% on Chinese imports into the US and from 6.2% to 16.4% on US imports into China. On the opposite, in this Trade War, Latin America has been given the chance to reorganize its export market. As a matter of fact, countries like Brazil or Argentina could benefit from the export of soybeans to China, because China stopped buying them from the U.S. We can thus observe that the increase of the links between Latin America and the Asian continent creates concern for the United States.

There are also other international actors that had an impact on the relationship between Cuba and the United States, like companies and businesses. As we can see, 77% of Cuba's business owners (wealthy families) were able to start their activities only because they received financial help from their friends and family that resided abroad. This data exposes the fact that the success of Cuban companies depended on the economic help perceived from the rest of the world. In the same way, we can observe that a lot of companies are willing to establish commercial relations with Cuba. We could ask ourselves if this motivation comes with good intentions by entrepreneurs... In a document written by George Carriazo Moreno in 1993¹², an important point is made about the intentions of North American entrepreneurs that began to be interested in establishing economic relations with Cuba. In fact, this sudden interest in Cuba is not a coincidence. After the 1980s, there had been a shift in the island's economy, with the fact that the US tightened its embargo and introduced some market reforms to hold back the deterioration of Cuba's economy. These included for example the legislation of the US dollar and the transformation of many state farms into semi-autonomous cooperatives. This economic changement made the Americans realize they were losing ground to their European and Latin-American competitors, which is why they had a sudden interest in Cuba's trade.

To conclude this part of the report, we can witness the impact that external and international elements had within the Cuban-American history. Along with local actors (regional trade agreements, Foreign Ministers), the international environment (China, Europe, but also companies) played a major role in the improvement of the Cuban-American relationship. They condemn the embargo by demanding Cuba's integration on the international stage. This has repercussions on how the United States are treating and putting a dialogue in place with the island. While presidents Obama and Castro took several steps to normalize bilateral relations, as we have seen with the expansion of trade organizations, we can say that we are coming closer to a kind of «warming of the relations».

12 Carriazo Moreno, G. (1993). Las relaciones económicas Cuba-Estados Unidos : una mirada al futuro. Estudios Internacionales. doi:10.5354/0719-3769.2011.15387

I. C) «Warm-up of the relations» : could this expression be applied to the Cuban-American context ?

What is Cuba's place in the rest of the world and how does it fit into the international scene?

Cuba is an island located 90km away from the coast of the US. They are a country rich in agrarian products and natural resources such as sugar, tobacco, refined fuels and nickel amongst its main resources. When the US was still on good terms with Cuba, they were their number one importer of Cuban products. The geographical proximity these two countries have made it a logical opportunity for trade. Despite their many resources, prior to the 1959 Revolution, Cuba wasn't seen as a «legitimate country», as many considered it to only be an exotic tropical island in other words only a touristic haven¹³ as many US citizens would go on vacation there to partake in parties, gambling and other various activities in brothels. This warped public image changed after the Revolution, it led to a shift in Cuba's public image where the international scene saw the credibility Cuba holds, since they managed to take down a military dictatorship. This feat, made them an example in Latin America and their revolutionary behavior led them to inspire other revolutionary uprising for social change in countries such as Venezuela, Nicaragua and Chile¹⁴.

Despite their success in the Revolution and its spread to Latin America, Cuba ultimately faced the disastrous fate of an embargo that was imposed onto them by the US, following the Cuban Missile Crisis. In 1962, Kennedy decided to cut all diplomatic ties with the island, leaving them in almost complete isolation from the world. The US stopped drastically importing Cuban sugar, which was the number one source of income on the island. Despite the decline of sugar production following the collapse of the Soviet Union, sugar production still held a large percentage in the global export of Cuba. In fact, in 2015 this sector was worth $378 million among the $1.4 billion export of the island¹⁵. This dependence on exportation of sugar to other countries made the country's economy fragile, an instance demonstrated following the embargo. As soon as its major importer heavily decreased trades, the isle was left with an immense loss of money due to price and demand fluctuation.

After the Revolution, Fidel Castro tried to elevate the island to an economy that was no longer focused on mono-production. His plan was to make the country self-sufficient so it no longer needed to be dependent on external markets¹⁶. This plan was meant to be put in place through the means of industrialization and a diversification of the economy. Ultimately, these attempts failed and Cuba had to go back to its production of sugar which were also

16 Boline, N. V. (2015). Fidel Castro's Grand Strategy in the CubanRevolution: 1959-1968. Papers & Publications:

decreasing at the time. This failure came from the inability of Cuban leaders such as Fidel and Raul Castro and Ernesto Guevara to manage the manufacturing goods they ordered from Czechoslovakia. Since these goods were ordered from outside the island, they had to be shipped and once they arrived they could only be moved out of the docks by the previously mentioned leaders. This led to equipment rusting as no one could move them and the only ones who could were too busy. In addition to this issue, parts that needed to be replaced were very hard to obtain due to the embargo and the refusal of the US to collaborate took a toll on the island.

Cuba tried to compensate these losses of sugar export by trading with the Soviet Union since both countries shared communist ideals, this made them a natural allyship. In January 1964, the Castro-Mikoyan agreements were signed allowing long-term agreements in regards to sugar export. The two country's trade revolved around sugar and fuels that they would exchange at negotiated prices which were beneficial for Cuba (they would sell their sugar at a higher price to the Soviet Union and receive oil at a lower market price). In 1972, the isle became a part of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance which gathered countries of the eastern-bloc. Since the end of the Soviet Union, Cuba has managed to find other partners to extend its trading pool. Among them there is Europe which is also their biggest trading partner. Their other main trading partners are Canada with 19.4%, Venezuela with 15.6% and China with 15.2% as of 2017¹⁷. Another opening in trades can be seen through the creation of the special economic zone in the port of Mariel in 2013, which has been attracting trade interests from countries such as Brazil and Singapore. In relation to commercial trade in maritime zones it is the main path in the Western Hemisphere. In 2014, Cuba even signed the Foreign Investment Law. No. 118, which is a measure put in place to regulate foreign investments through the law, was a way for the Cuban regime to attract investments from foreign countries.

Figure 2 : A pie chart illustrating Cuba's major import sources (2017) from Encyclopædia

Although Cuba has managed to gain back a part of its place on the global market due to the ressources it offers, the main step back it had to face were the sanctions and regulation imposed by the US. The Mutual Security Appropriations Act of 1951 had as a goal to demotivate countries to trade with Cuba by implementing sanctions to any country that tried to partake in such activity. It was welcomed with criticism from other countries that had commercial ties with Cuba. The sanctions insured that the lack of US aid toward Cuba wouldn't be compensated elsewhere. The Helms-Burton law enacted by Bill Clinton on March 12, 1996, seeks to implement international sanctions against Castro's government as part of a process to put into motion the transformation of the government into a democracy.

Cuba has faced many changes in the way it operates and the place it took on the international scene. Despite its failed attempt during Castro's regime to industrialize the country, the island has managed to improve its productivity along with its purchasing power through other means. To allow an increase in its productivity, the country liberalized the commercialisation of farming equipment and put in place bonuses to a defined group of professions. Among Cuba's biggest achievements is its health care system, its doctor to patient ratio is one of the highest in the world with 67.2 doctors for 10 000 citizens, a number much higher than in the US and the UK¹⁸. The country also has a high level of literacy which is at 99%¹⁹, due to its free education system that goes all the way to university. Cuba has also allowed its tourism sector to experience a rapid expansion by updating its tourism infrastructure (building new beach resorts). It is also important to note that in April of 2015, Cuba was invited to the Summit of the Americas in Panama which was a major step in the island's integration in international relations as it was the first time they were included in a premier gathering. It is also during this summit that the memorable handshake between Barack Obama and Raul Castro took place. Cuba's history shows that despite its hardships, it has still managed to move forward and isn't this helpless island the US tried so hard to portray as it has found alternatives to keep its economy going and has gathered a wide range of new trading partners from around the world.

Cuba and the US were once strong trading partners with more than two-thirds of foreign trade in the island being with the US during the 1950s. The US was a major client in Cuba's sugar market²⁰. An advantage that allowed the US to orchestrate the 1962 embargo. Prior to 1959, the economy of Cuba was controlled by American businesses and interests due to the Amendment Platt, a situation that would no longer be accepted after the Cuban revolution. In fact, Castro nationalized a lot of American businesses and agricultural land and redistributed

20 Bender, L. (1974). Cuba, the United States, and Sugar. Caribbean Studies, 14(1), 155-160. Retrieved April 10, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/25612594

it to the Cuban people to counteract the US' influence on the island. This led to a drop in trade down to 4 % between the two countries in 1961²¹, a situation implicating sugar quotas and higher custom taxes put in place by the US. All of those factors were ultimately followed by the 1962 embargo which heavily impacted the country's economy. The loss of such a big trade partner for Cuba led to higher costs in transportation and issues in regards to communication. The embargo led to restrictions in imports directed to Cuba such as essential parts in machinery that needed replacement. In 1963, Cuba's trade balance faced a huge amount of loss which was three times worse than the previous year²².

Since the nineteenth century, the main sectors that are a part of Cuban-US relationship are the agricultural sector, the industrial sector and the tourism exchanges between the two countries. During the time in which the US stopped trade with Cuba, the island redirected its commercial exchanges with Russia. During Ronald Reagan's presidency from 1981 to 1989, he implemented measures towards the tightening of restrictions to fuel the embargo against Cuba. He prohibited outside nations from selling American products and innovation to Cuba as it would divert the intentions of the embargo. Trade between the US and Cuba were reopened in 2002 during the time Georges W. Bush was in office. During his mandate, the two countries started to exchange food but Cuba could not do so on credit and they were only allowed an opening of trade with the US. Bush utilized «smart power» a mix between soft power and hard power by maintaining military operations, sanctions and the spread of US values. Those values were to impose into the island; democracy and a capitalistic economic model that can fit in with free trade.

After the subprime crisis that started in the US, Obama's presidency started, and with it came many new changes that opened up trade with Cuba. He touched upon this subject in a keynote address in Havana in 2016²³, where he was in favor of Cuba's continued liberalization in its economic and political domains. Commercial flights were opened up again between the two countries, an act that did occur in over 50 years, with the first plane taking off in August of 2016²⁴. After failed attempts at industrialisation during Fidel Castro's regime to fight back against Cuba's dependence on sugar production, Raul Castro decided in 2009 to set in motion a process of liberalization on the island²⁵, the first steps towards a capitalistic economy. This was in an effort to modify the country from a state-controlled economy to now a country that implements new reforms such as: the decentralization of the agricultural sector, the ease of restrictions small enterprises had to face, the creation of markets for real estate, the expansion of consumers' access to goods and the ability for Cubans to travel more easily. All of these implementations led to the rise of Cuba's private sector. These new opportunities were only possible for a select few fields, 127 in total. As of

22 Tsokhas, K. (1980). The Political Economy of Cuban Dependence on the Soviet Union. Theory and Society, 9(2), 319-362. Retrieved April 10, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/656859

2021, due to the 11% decrease in Cuba's GDP, Cuba has lifted its ban on private businesses in February²⁶.

With the progressive normalization of commercial exchanges between Cuba and the US through the many agreements and acts put in place, new opportunities for trade and investments are possible. Since 1999 Cuba could only import from the US a select few items such as food (Georgia is the main provider of chicken in Cuba²⁷) and some medicine but this category still faces restrictions. New actions can be taken by US business owners such as the sale of technological products (telecommunication equipment, software, hardwares), the sale of equipment to Cuba's private sector and the ability to rent buildings and hire Cuban employees in Cuba. As of today, the US is no longer the main exporter of goods from Cuba as many other countries have taken that spot. Nonetheless, commercial exchanges have been opening up and creating new opportunities between the two countries have been expected to get higher.

Economic integration revolves around a process that strives to unify economic policies amongst different states, to be able to function, this process uses the partial or total abolition of tariff restrictions (like customs duties, taxes) as well as non-tariff restrictions on the market place. In the case of Cuba and the US this process has been hard to reestablish ever since the severing of ties back in 1961, but this doesn't erase the efforts made in this direction and the few instances that highlight such activities. In 1999, through the Cuban Humanitarian Trade Act, the US allowed the export of a select few items to Cuba such as medical equipment and food products. In 2003, Bush brought about his act of Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba, that allowed more trade between the US and Cuba, but it was also a tactic to reinstate more sanctions against the island (such as the inability to purchase US goods on credit).

Prior to the election of Obama and the period of normalization the US and Cuba initiated, data from calculations by the International Monetary Fund from 2008 illustrates that, between 1990 and 2007, US exports were higher in Latin America and the Caribbean as opposed to Africa and the Middle East²⁸. This «imbalance» in export can be explained by the strategic proximity for trade the US has in relation to the Caribbean and Latin America. In 2009, Obama eased restrictions in regards to the US travel ban against Cuba and in the same wave of easing measures he also allowed remittances between the US and Cuba. This latter measure allowed people living in the US to send remittances to Cuba, up to 500 dollars to individuals outside of one's family²⁹. These measures were put into place by the Office of Foreign Assets Control. After the announcement of the Cuban Thaw, on the 17th of

28 Partnership for the Americas Commission. (2008, November .). Rethinking U.S.-Latin American Relations. Report of the partnership for the americas commission

29 Sullivan, M. P. (2020). Cuba: U.S. Restrictions on Travel and Remittances. Congressional Research Service,

December 2014, there was a rise in visitors on the island which amounted to 3,52 million visitors, a total of 17,4% in comparison to the previous year³⁰. On the 16th of January 2015, the Cuban Assets Control Regulations and the Export Administration Regulations amendments by the U.S. Treasury Department's Office of Foreign Assets Control and The U.S. Department of Commerce's Bureau of Industry and Security was finally effective. These amendments allowed the removal of restrictions to allow Cuban businesses to collaborate with US business. In November of 2015, these amendments allowed the participation of about 50 American businesses³¹ during the Havana International Fair. Cuba benefited from a 7.4% growth of its economy at the end of 2015 in comparison to 2014³².

Through these numbers we can see that cooperation has mostly benefited Cuba and the US' relationship. Despite their differences in terms of their political ideologies, business seems to be a common ground both countries can settle for. With the rise of US Republican Governors in the US in favor of an ease of restrictions to allow more business with the island and Cuba's leaders implementing more measures in that direction, we can in fact talk about a hopeful future for the upcoming years for both countries in terms of their economical integration, especially since the election of Biden.

The main objective of normalization between the two countries is to go back as close as possible to a state of pre-embargo relationship. As the two countries once relied on each other for the trade of certain goods, so the desire to go back to such a state is understandable. Nonetheless, the heavy impact of the embargo and the many sanctions and quotas imposed by the US against Cuba made it harder to perceive a future in which both countries went back to a state of full normalization of their relationship.

In recent years, a few instances of collaboration between the two countries have brought about a sense of hope for their diplomatic future. Starting with Obama's presidency, this is when the process of normalization really took a positive turn. However, he was met with hardships especially at the end of his mandate, due to the Republican majority in the House of Representatives, it made the implementation of new measures more difficult and less achievable. This is why the White House was not able to fully lift the embargo, as it is not a part of its range of competences. Obama managed to try and weaken it by using the president's executive powers and instigating a bipartisan momentum to inspire the lift of the embargo. Despite the many obstacles the two countries's relationship have faced, there are still instances that make normalization a more realistic goal. An open posture for dialogue

31 Dr. Jacqueline Laguardia Martinez. Reconfigurations in Cuba - U.S. Relations and its impacts on Caribbean states. Conference organized by the Institute of International Relations of the University of Suriname Anton de KomÀ: Paramaribo, Suriname. (May 2016)

32 Dr. Jacqueline Laguardia Martinez. Reconfigurations in Cuba - U.S. Relations and its impacts on Caribbean states. Conference organized by the Institute of International Relations of the University of Suriname Anton de KomÀ: Paramaribo, Suriname. (May 2016)

can be seen through a range of different agreements both countries have signed ever since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The coalitions that were instigated by Cuba and the US revolve around three main topics: trade in the agricultural sector, migration and cooperation in the military field.

The agricultural sector is one of the most important ones in Cuba as it is the main revenue of the island³³. In 2001, during Georges Bush's mandate, Cuba was finally allowed to export its agricultural products³⁴. Despite this opening for Cuba's trade market, they were only allowed to trade with the US and weren't allowed to import any US goods by credit. An exchange that cost a lot for the isle. Although the US has mostly kept a rigid approach to trade with Cuba, many Governors have expressed their disagreements and many started to advocate for an opening of trade with the island. In September of 2015, Asa Hutchinson the Republican Governor of Arkansas, pointed out the loss in sales many farmers had to face³⁵. He went on to ask Congress to allow the US agri-food industry to sell food on credit to Cuba. His efforts were to allow the ease of restrictions, so it can allow the creation of new opportunities for the agricultural industry in the US. In October of 2015, through a letter written by nine Congressmen from all over the US (Virginia, Idaho, California, Minnesota, Washington, Montana, Vermont, Alabama and Pennsylvania), it was noted that if the country opened up trade with Cuba, they could benefit from an 11 million people market close to them³⁶. This attractive opportunity was seen as a way for them to strengthen the agricultural sector by expanding its trading pool. All of these instances have motivated the creation of a bipartisan coalition in the House of Representatives in December of 2015³⁷. It gathered ten members, each representing sectors such as agriculture, tourism, business trade, manufacturing... This bipartisan coalition was here to represent the growing need in the US to end the embargo, its reasons mainly revolved around the economic benefits it would bring.

Migration is another central topic when it comes to US-Cuban relationships. There have been important measures that were implemented in regards to immigration during Obama's mandate to change this unique dynamic. In fact, Cuba has benefited from special immigration laws soly implemented for them, such as the green card lottery implemented by Ronald Reagan or the «wet foot, dry foot policy» which came about during Clinton's mandate. The latter policy by Clinton was revoked in January 2017 by Obama following months of negotiation with the government of Cuba, as this policy stemmed from preferential treatment of Cuban immigrants. This decision wasn't only a way to treat «Cuban migrants the same way we treat migrants from other countries"³⁸ as Obama has stated during a press conference in the White House in 2017. It is also a way to initiate the regulation in the influx of potential

35 Piccone T., « U.S.-Cuba Normalisation: U.S. Constituencies for Change », IdeAs [En ligne], 10 | Automne 2017 / Hiver 2018, mis en ligne le 19 décembre 2017, consulté le 09 avril 2021. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ideas/2107

38 The Office of the Press Secretary. (2017, January 12). Statement by the President on Cuban Immigration Policy. The

Millitarly, the two countries have also managed to find a mutual ground of agreement especially in the fight against narcotraffic. These military exchanges were initiated with Georges W. Bush and Fidel Castro in the early 2000s⁴⁰. These collaborative efforts with Cuba's security forces have also been used to ensure the protection at the US borders of drug trafficking and illegal immigration. Cuba has prohibited the smuggling of narcotics in its territorial waters and at its airports. In July of 2016, both countries signed agreements in the fight against drug trafficking⁴¹.

As mentioned through these couple of examples, some measures and implementations towards a state of normalization have been taken. Some earlier measures were nonetheless not pushed enough to explore their full potential such as the opening of trade for Cuba in 2001. It always seems like more can be done but due to the balance of power in the US, presidential desires can not always be fulfilled, as seen during Obama's mandate. He was not able to fully lift the embargo but he tried to use his executive power to weaken it.

Nonetheless, all of his efforts were swiftly deconstructed after Trump's mandate and his more conservative visions of diplomatic relationships. Although many of the previous efforts seemed to open up future perspectives in Cuban-US relationships, Trump's many revoked acts, enacted by Obama, made it hard to visualize such a future for both countries. With the arrival of J. Biden in power, this hopeful perspective seems to have come back as he was Obama's Vice President during his two terms. Despite this fact, the pressure he is now facing to decide on the future of policies towards Cuba is still ongoing.

How has Obama managed to handle the repercussions the embargo had on Cuba in an effort to build up ties again with Cuba?

«We have to be creative ... we have to be thoughtful ...and we have to continue to update our policies». Those were the words Obama had in respect to the topic of US-Cuban discussions during a Miami fundraiser in November of 2014. During his two terms, there was a reassessment in the US's behavior towards Cuba. In fact, it is during his mandate that things started to change leaving room for a process of normalization between the two countries. Amongst policies and actions B. Obama took to further open up the dialogue with Cuba, we can note the direct mail talks that were put in place in 2013⁴². This gave the opportunity to renew talks on topics such as immigration and even further open up new discussions about agreements revolving around search and rescue via air and maritime infrastructures. This illustrates the openness that president Obama has carried toward Cuba, a posture deemed by

40 Jorge I. Domínguez. Opciones para las relaciones entre Cuba y Estados Unidos durante la presidencia de Donald Trump. IdeAs : Idées d'Amériques. 19 diciembre 2017 [09/10/2020]. https://journals.openedition.org/ideas/2139.

42 SULLIVAN, Mark P. , Cuba: U.S. Policy and Issues for the 113th Congress, Congressional Research Service, CRS research prepared for members of committee and congress. Chapter: Obama Administration Policy and Issues in U.S.-Cuban Relations, p.25-p.37, July 31, 2014. https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R43024.pdf

Amongst his most well-known implementations, there is the partial removal of travel bans, which has been the root cause of a lot of tensions. There was also the symbolic release of prisoners in both countries, accused of spying⁴⁴, a sign that showed the trust both countries were ready to put into their relationship. Commercial restrictions were also minimized, allowing Cuba's mostly agrarian economic system to build back its economy after decades of restrictions, quotas and sanctions. In regards to the usage of soft power, some actions were taken to instigate a softening of tensions through the media as well. In 2014, an agreement was created between the two countries that allowed the increase in the access to the internet in Cuba⁴⁵. This allowed streaming services such as Netflix to become accessible bringing with it the spread of US culture via television shows and films, but it also allowed US citizens to keep in touch with Cuban news.

In comparison to his predecessors, Obama was more open and ready to collaborate with Cuba. After the two countries agreed to start a process of normalization on the 17th of December 2014, also known as «the Cuban Thaw», it led to many symbolic events occurring between the two countries. For instance, Obama's handshake with Raul Castro, Fidel Castro's brother, during the Summit of the Americas in April 2015 was a historic moment. Cuba was even later on removed from the US's terrorism list on May 29th 2015⁴⁶. Also, the reopening of the US embassy on July 20th 2015⁴⁷, after it was closed back in 1961 when the US cut diplomatic ties with Cuba, allowed the US to reconnect administratively with the isle. Moreover, in early 2016, commercial flights were allowed by the US from Cuba⁴⁸, leading to the first passenger jet flight in August of that year, a feat that wasn't allowed in over fifty years.

Later that year, Obama's travel to Cuba on the 21st of March 2016, made him the first US president to go to Cuba since 1928 (88 years)⁴⁹, an important newsworthy and symbolic action that was meant to pave the way for less hostile relations between Cuba and the United States. Obama believes that «Change is going to happen in Cuba»⁵⁰, a feeling shared during

43 SULLIVAN, Mark P. , Cuba: U.S. Policy and Issues for the 113th Congress, Congressional Research Service, CRS research prepared for members of committee and congress. Chapter: Obama Administration Policy and Issues in U.S.-Cuban Relations, p.25-p.37, July 31, 2014.

44 Fullerton, J., Kendrick, A. and Broyles S. «Attitude change among U.S. adults after the Castro-Obama announcement: the role of soft power in agenda setting». Palgrave Communications [online]. March 14th 2017, 3 [30/11/2020] palcomms.2017.18 10 pages. https://doi.org/10.1057/

45 Fullerton, J., Kendrick, A. and Broyles S. «Attitude change among U.S. adults after the Castro-Obama announcement: the role of soft power in agenda setting». Palgrave Communications [online]. March 14th 2017, https://doi.org/10.1057/

a press conference with Raul Castro. During his travel, he had the opportunity to discuss and negotiate with Cuba's leader on topics such as trade, immigration and most importantly the future of the embargo. Even after the death of Fidel Castro at the age of 90 years old, Obama still expressed his support to Cuba by saying in a statement «they have a friend and partner in the United States of America.» It illustrates the bond Cuba and the US have created during Obama's presidency, allowing the United States to call Cuba a friend but without forgetting to mention that they are also a partner as economic trade is also important in their relations.

D. Trump retracted the US from relations with Cuba after his mandate (2017-2021). His implementation of stricter sanctions (travel restrictions, bans for travels from the US to Cuba, prohibiting the import of Cuaban rum and cigars, cultural trips to Cuba⁵¹) has made matters worse in terms of the opening of dialogue the two countries started during Obama's presidency. Trump considered the normalization of relations with Cuba by Obama's administration to be a «bad deal»⁵². This led him to bring back over 200 restrictions regarding matters such as; financial diplomatic ties, trade and travel⁵³. Now that Joe Biden has won the 2020 US election, some may have more hope in regards to US-Cuban relations, as Biden was Obama's vice president.

The possibility of a normalisation or even a «warming up» of bilateral relations seemed promising when Obama came into office. Nonetheless, Obama was still not able to fully lift the embargo, an instance that was most awaited by both US and Cuban citizens. His inability to do so was due to restrictions in his executive power. Despite the many milestones the two countries have achieved there are still some step-backs that can be seen in their relationship.

52 Hirschfeld Davis, J. (2017, July 15). Moving to Scuttle Obama Legacy, Donald Trump to Crack Down on Cuba. The New

II. What are the elements allowing us to talk about setbacks or disappointments concerning the expectations around the Cuban-American relationship ?

II. A) Barack Obama's presidency: One step forward and two steps back

Could we talk about real progress in terms of the relations since Obama's presidency?

To introduce this section dealing with the setbacks or disappointments concerning the expectations of the Cuban-American relation, we will begin by taking a look back at the mixed presidency of Barack Obama.

An example of remoteness and climbdown in the Cuban-American relation is when Barack Obama announced that he was cancelling an important migration policy known as «Wet foot/dry foot» or «Pies secos/pies mojados». This policy finds its origins in a federal law called the Cuban Adjustment Act (1966)⁵⁴ which permitted legal migration of Cubans; when Cubans entered the United States they were allowed to keep living on the US territory thanks to a visa, once they have lived in the US for at least a year. The Cuban Adjustment Act was in fact created by Lyndon B. Johnson, in November 1966.

In 1995, more than 30 years after the implementation of this policy, it was reinterpreted in a revision of the law under the administration of Bill Clinton, giving rise to what we know as the wet foot/dry foot policy, mentioned previously, which was cancelled by Obama. Due to this reinterpretation of the law, even if undocumented migrants were able to stay in the United States thanks to political asylum and a visa, the opportunity to cross the border wasn't given to everyone: there were specific conditions. In other words, people could only stay in the United States if they had managed to set foot on American soil, on the contrary, if these persons were picked up at sea, they were deported back to Cuba. Nevertheless, this policy enabled Cubans to stay in the United States and later could give them the chance to qualify faster to be legal permanent residents. It can be seen that there are concrete differences when we compare the Cuban Adjustment Act of 1966 and its evolution into the wet foot/dry foot policy. Originally in 1966 the law was more flexible as it allowed Cubans but also their spouses and children to become permanent residents of the United States, when these people were alleged political refugees. This was happening through a process called adjustment of status, which is the legal name for the demand of a green card.

For this reason, it seems quite legitimate to put forward the fact that Barack Obama took a step back in the field of migration, especially when we think about the possibilities that were brought by the wet foot/dry foot policy for Cubans. Unlike Clinton who tried to limit the use of this migration law, Obama has cancelled it, well-representative of the degradation, here in terms of migration, of the Cuban-American relationship. This law could allow migration for Cubans as explained previously, but when B.Obama ended it, it cancelled the possibility for people who probably needed it a lot to be able to immigrate. However, Obama's response to

why he did it was that «"By taking this step, we are treating Cuban migrants the same way we treat migrants from other countries,»⁵⁵ and there were various views concerning whether it was a good thing or not, Americans being able to be less concerned about migration and Cubans becoming more concerned by the difficulty it would be to emigrate.

Moreover, despite some elements mentioned previously that could substantiate the hypothesis of an improvement in the relation between the two countries, talking about real progress under Barack Obama's presidency would be a mistaken view. Actually, some elements are consistent to demonstrate this lack of advances; when we consider the embargo on trade against Cuba, which has lasted for almost 60 years now, there are certain things President Obama could have done.

It seems important to point out that the decisions concerning the embargo do not depend solely on the legislative branch, represented by the Congress, however it has significant decision-making power because they can either approve or disapprove a decision when it is within their capacity. This means the entity that could totally lift the embargo is the Congress, in fact, most economic sanctions such as this embargo do not depend on the President but on the Congress that has the power «to regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes."⁵⁶

Furthermore, presidents are in charge of the executive power meaning that even if they tried to do something in order to lift the embargo, the Congress would still be the one who makes the final decision. Consequently, this involves the American president having a certain power to change the characteristics of this embargo, meaning that here president Obama could have done things differently, but in any case he could not have lifted the embargo because the Congress holds this power. This decision to not intervene any further around the embargo was made for a reason, and it is important to consider the fact that Cuba under an economic embargo is much more profitable for the United States. For instance the embargo prevents further increase in the wealth of Cuba, notably through a lack of foreign investment. That is why we can't talk about great progress, because president Obama could have done things differently than what he did if he really aimed to trigger a positive transformation as he pretended, for instance during his speech of 2014.

Also, one of the elements that demonstrates this idea of one step forward and two step backs is the 2014 announcement, evoked previously, between president Barack Obama and the Cuban president Raul Castro that declared «the restoration of relations between the two countries». In greater detail, there was a speech of President Obama on the 17th of December of 2014, in the city of Havana in Cuba where he expressed the desire for a reestablishment of the relations all along, particularly when he showed a certain will to move on from the tumultuous past. He evoked that he wanted to «bury the last remnants of the Cold War in the

55 The White House & Office of the Press Secretary. (2017, January 12). Statement by the President on Cuban Immigration

Americas»⁵⁷ when he emphasized the shared cultural places that represent Miami or Havana, for instance, through the fact «Miami is often referred to as the capital of Latin America»⁵⁸.

Nevertheless, besides the shared cultural places or some minor positive elements, the relation between Cuba and the United States remains more or less the same when we consider the dominance of the US over Cuba. The only thing that was really different with the administration of Obama was a will for social and relational changes, but the dominance evoked earlier is relevant to prove that even if there were some ameliorations, the United States kept their grip over Cuba. The most significant example is the fact that Barack Obama announced in this speech a flexibilization of the embargo imposed on Cuba with a supposed economic profit for Cubans but the embargo itself is one of the things that is keeping Cuba from making real profits. Therefore, in contrast to the very positive speech and the hopes he raises in this speech, Barack Obama's presidency hasn't shown major positive changes that could allow us to talk about a proper progress, since none of the things he has done or changed have really improved the Cuban-American relationship or the Cubans' living condition. In addition, even if the opening of embassies in both capitals took place as he promised in the speech, there was still a main pending issue remaining. In other words, Cubans were waiting for the lifting of the economic embargo.

On top of that, we can find many paradoxes in this 2014 speech of Barack Obama and one of them concerns the economic embargo, previously mentioned. By trying to justify the improvement of the Cuban-American relation, Obama's speech was stating that «the United States has supported democracy and human rights in Cuba»⁵⁹ but we will see that may be questioned. Indeed, despite a great part of his speech granted to the promotion of human rights and democracy, Barack Obama and the new policies he implemented weren't helping the way Cuban people were treated (in particular with Raul Castro's government), human rights were still violated and denied. Globally, the few measures announced by Obama's administration on the 17th of December 2014 such as the lift of travel restrictions for Cubans Americans weren't helping in any way the Cuban population facing a right-limiting regime.

Another paradox in this speech is represented by the announcement that Cuba is willing to «release a substantial number of prisoners»⁶⁰, once again proving a normalization of the relations between the two countries. However, this release of prisoners by the Cuban government wasn't even confirmed or planned to be made when Barack Obama decided to use this argument as part of a sugar-coated speech, promoting a real change in the Cuban-American interaction. Consequently, we can say that the election of President Barack Obama in November 2008 has started the debate around the recovery of US' influence in

57 Barack Obama. Statement by the President on Cuba Policy Changes. The White House.[online]. December 14, 2014

58 Barack Obama. Statement by the President on Cuba Policy Changes. The White House.[online]. December 14, 2014 [consulted on 3/22/21].

59 Barack Obama. Statement by the President on Cuba Policy Changes. The White House.[online]. December 14, 2014 [consulted on 3/22/21].

60 Barack Obama. Statement by the President on Cuba Policy Changes. The White House.[online]. December 14, 2014

Cuba, but especially the rebuilding of trust given to the United States. During his inauguration speech of 2009, President Obama expressed his intention to start over again, create a new start leaving the past behind, but we can see with this speech and the 2014's one that there is a strong similarity in his declarations that allow us to say that this will to change the Cuban-American relation is just an attractive speech.

Finally, we know that the year 2008 was marked by an economic crisis⁶¹ and the main message during the US elections was change, that is why Barack Obama was elected. But the reality is that during B. Obama's two terms as president, US foreign policy towards Latin America and Caribbean countries has been more marked by continuity and stagnation than change. Surely, some policies were presented in a "smarter" way and some novelties were introduced, but without addressing the core problems such as the embargo.

The election of Barack Obama triggered rather contradictory decision-making among his team government, which could make us question if there were real improvements made in terms of the Cuban-American relationship. Also, this contradiction doesn't seem to only be specific to the presidency of Obama.

II. B) B. Obama y D. Trump: dos presidencias muy diferentes pero resultados que siguen siendo modestos

Esta parte incluirá una descripción de lo que hace que la presidencia de Donald Trump sea tan contrastada sobre cómo dirigen los Estados Unidos y los resultados obtenidos, como la de Barack Obama.

De la misma manera que Barack Obama, algunas acciones de Donald Trump muestran un resultado mixto. Sobre este tema de migración, después de que Barack Obama hablara de cancelar la política «pies secos/pies mojados"como hemos señalado previamente, en junio de 2017 Donald Trump decidió cancelar completamente esta política migratoria que permitía a migrantes poder emigrar legalmente en los Estados Unidos. Así, parece justificado hablar de resultados desiguales con respecto a la totalidad de su presidencia porque esta decisión tuvo un impacto muy fuerte en la expulsión de muchos cubanos. De otro lado, considerando que en el ámbito social fue muy exitoso y apreciado, pero a nivel económico no ha sido apreciada por determinadas medidas o restricciones que haya podido establecer, lo que no han contribuido a las buenas relaciones con la isla de Cuba.

En este gráfico, podemos ver el impacto sobre la migraci6n mencionado previamente que Donald Trump tuvo durante su presidencia. También podemos comprobar el hecho que las cifras empezaron a aumentar exactamente un año después de su elecci6n, o sea en 2017.

También podemos señalar que durante su campaña de elecci6n, Donald Trump expres6 opiniones bastante contradictorias: por un lado dice claramente que «50 años [de embargo] son suficientes»⁶³, pero desde el momento en que gan6 las elecciones, anunci6 su intenci6n de revertir la mayoría de lo que hizo Obama. En otras palabras D. Trump decidi6 revocar todos los 6rdenes ejecutivos de la presidencia de Obama y utiliz6 Cuba como uno de los elementos de una política exterior que forman parte de su estrategia para estimular una base electoral específica. Mejor dicho, el 16 de junio de 2017 en Miami, D. Trump hizo entender que iba a revertir todo lo que se pudiera haber avanzado con el gobierno de B. Obama.

A diferencia de B. Obama, D. Trump trat6 de encontrar todas las excusas posibles para poder alejarse de Cuba. Un ejemplo que lo ilustra bien son los supuestos ataques s6nicos de que fueron víctimas unos diplomáticos, en mayoría estadounidenses, cuando estuvieron en La Habana en 2016. Eso nunca fue demostrado pero para la administraci6n de Trump, eso era útil y casi otro argumento para justificar el continuo distanciamiento, o el casi castigo de Cuba. De hecho, el presidente Donald Trump decidi6 reducir el personal diplomático en la embajada de La Habana, lo que ya es un signo de reincidencia pero no solo ha hecho que mucha gente pierda su trabajo, sino también llev6 a la anulaci6n de ciertos elementos jurídicos. Efectivamente, su decisi6n cre6 un incumplimiento de las modalidades de dos acuerdos migratorios importantes: el Acuerdo migratorio entre Estados Unidos y Cuba

62 O'Toole, M. (31/07/19). Trump deporta a más cubanos incluso cuando critica al gobierno de la isla. Los Angeles Times.

63 L6pez-Levy, A (2019, 13 de junio). Cuba y el gobierno de Trump: Retorno al conflicto e implicaciones para la relaci6n triangular con Europa. Análisis Fundación Carolina (Madrid), P. 5. https://doi.org/10.33960/AC_08.2019

(U.S-Cuba Migration Accord) de 1994 y el de 1995⁶⁴. Ambos de estos acuerdos migratorios permitían más posibilidades para los cubanos que deseaban o necesitaban ir a los Estados Unidos pero sobre todo, permitían conceder, más o menos, 20.000 visas cada año para los migrantes cubanos. Por esa razón podemos entender porque los resultados de la presidencia de Donald Trump pueden considerarse como contrastados, efectivamente como B. Obama D. Trump tuvo efectos positivos para la economía de Estados Unidos, pero no tanto para la de Cuba.

De manera global, la campaña de elección de Donald Trump cambió el juego por completo o sea que va en contra del intento de normalización de las relaciones entre Cuba y los Estados Unidos por Barack Obama.

Cuánto distinto fue el mandato de Obama al de Trump en el ámbito político, económico y diplomático con respecto a Cuba?

En este apartado distinguiremos los enfoques de los dos mandatos en cuestión, el del presidente Barack Obama y el del presidente Donald Trump, hacia Cuba en los ámbitos político, económico y diplomático. Empezaremos con la política del presidente Obama, que es uno de los presidentes más famosos de Estados Unidos, sobre todo por su color de piel, que representa la diversidad.

Desde el inicio de su mandato, la administración Obama inició un cambio de política que se aleja de las sanciones y se orienta hacia el compromiso y la normalización de las relaciones con Cuba. Durante su discurso del 17 de diciembre de 2014, anunció que "podemos hacer más para apoyar al pueblo cubano y promover nuestros valores a través del compromiso." Proclamando una política de compromiso, el presidente estadounidense optó por un enfoque cauteloso, ya que supo que será un proceso gradual y que su estrategia de compromiso y persuasión no producirá un cambio repentino pronto.

Entre los numerosos cambios llevados a cabo se encuentran la cancelación de la designación de Cuba como estado patrocinador del terrorismo internacional en mayo de 2015, el restablecimiento de las relaciones diplomáticas y las nuevas restricciones a los viajes en julio de 2015, las remesas, el comercio, las telecomunicaciones y los servicios bancarios y financieros (2015 y 2016), a través de las enmiendas a las Regulaciones de Control de Activos Cubanos (CACR), administradas por el Departamento del Tesoro, y las Regulacionesde Administración de Exportaciones, administradas por el Departamento de Comercio. También se han producido numerosas liberaciones de detenidos en ambos bandos. El restablecimiento de las relaciones llevó a un mayor compromiso entre gobiernos, con más de 20 acuerdos bilaterales y numerosos diálogos.

Sin embargo, a pesar de todas las medidas adoptadas, no se puede evitar la sensación de que todos estos procedimientos no son más que un montaje para controlar la isla. En efecto, los anuncios del presidente del 17 de diciembre de 2014 fueron calificados de históricos, espectaculares, pero de todos modos no eran más que la aplicación de una estrategia dirigida

⁶⁴ National Security and International Affairs Division. (18/09/95). Cuba: U.S. Response to the 1994 Cuban Migration Crisis. U.S. Government Accountability Office. https://www.gao.gov/products/nsiad-95-211

por Estados Unidos para preservar su ventaja tanto económica como politica frente a Cuba. En ese momento, Estados Unidos estaba debilitado, tanto en la politica interna como en la internacional. Entre el retroceso sufrido en las elecciones de mitad de mandato, el escándalo de la CIA y las promesas incumplidas sobre el cierre de la base de Guantánamo, B. Obama estaba bajo presión en cuanto a su politica. Por lo tanto, es por razones propias por lo que el Presidente Obama decidió aligerar las sanciones pero sin levantarlas completamente. Por consiguiente, detrás de todo este deseo de aliviar las tensiones y mejorar las relaciones entre ambos paises, existe un verdadero objetivo estratégico y personal por parte del presidente de los Estados Unidos.

La administración del presidente Donald Trump, por su parte, muestra cierta reticencia a mejorar las relaciones entre Estados Unidos y la isla. El presidente Trump dio a conocer una nueva politica hacia Cuba en 2017, introduciendo nuevas sanciones y esfuerzos para nunca normalizar las relaciones.

Para la ocasión, emitió un memorando presidencial de seguridad nacional en junio de 2017 que introdujo estas nuevas sanciones, incluyendo restricciones a las transacciones con empresas controladas por los militares cubanos. Según el Servicio de investigación del Congreso, el Departamento de Estado continuó aplicando las "entidades restringidas" en 2017, que se han actualizado en varias ocasiones. La actualización más reciente fue en 2020. Un total de 230 entidades y sub-entidades, entre ellas 2 ministerios, 5 holdings y 54 de sus sub-entidades, 111 hoteles, 2 agencias de turismo, 5 marinas, 10 comercios en La Habana Vieja y 41 entidades al servicio de los sectores de la defensa y la seguridad, están en la "lista restringida cubana".

Desde 2019, la administración ha impuesto sanciones cada vez más severas, además de las ya mencionadas, debido a los crecientes esfuerzos por sacar a la luz las denuncias de prácticas de trabajo forzado en las misiones médicas extranjeras de Cuba, una importante fuente de divisas para el pais. En 2019, la administración habia abandonado en gran medida su compromiso de presionar al gobierno cubano en materia de derechos humanos y por su apoyo al gobierno venezolano de Nicolás Maduro. En 2020, la administración endureció las restricciones a los viajes y las remesas. En octubre de 2020, anunció nuevas sanciones a las remesas, que entraron en vigor el 26 de noviembre, lo que llevó a Western Union a anunciar que dejaria de transferir fondos a Cuba.

Aqui podemos ver claramente que los gobiernos de los dos presidentes son diferentes en cuanto a su relación con la isla pero que, curiosamente, tienen un único objetivo : aprovechar las oportunidades de Cuba. Uno de ellos adoptó un procedimiento más bien pacifico, flexibilizando las diversas sanciones impuestas por los antecesores. El otro, en cambio, adopta un método más drástico ejerciendo un mismo control que antes.

Por qué estamos hablando de un caso de ocupación ilegal que persiste con la presidencia de D. Trump?

El caso de Cuba y los conflictos en torno a sus tierras ha sido una fuente continua de tensión. En 1901 se firmó la Enmienda Platt por parte de EEUU y España. Un documento que

describe el fin de la guerra cubano-española, a pesar de que Cuba era el principal objetivo en esta guerra, no tuvo voz en los asuntos discutidos en la Enmienda ya que no fueron incluidos en estas discusiones. Estados Unidos prometié a Cuba que se asegurarta de que la isla "recuperara su soberanta"⁶⁵, pero la enmienda que siguié tenta muchas reglas y restricciones subyacentes para Cuba que beneficiaban a Estados Unidos. Estas restricciones provienen de la limitacién de la capacidad de Cuba para celebrar tratados, la obligacién de prestar suelo a Estados Unidos (para bases navales y militares) y permitir que EE.UU. intervenga siempre que la libertad de Cuba esté bajo ataque. Este tratado, junto con muchos otros firmados entre Cuba y EE.UU., creé un desequilibrio de poder, ya que EE.UU. se hizo con muchos de los derechos y posesiones de Cuba (como la tierra, el poder militar, la libertad econémica... )

Uno de los casos más famosos de ocupacién ilegal es el de la isla de Guantánamo, una isla convertida ahora en centro de detencién y base naval vigilada por el ejército estadounidense. Los Estados Unidos obtuvieron la custodia de la isla en 1903 durante el Acuerdo de Arrendamiento que ambos patses firmaron y que formaba parte del Tratado de Relaciones Cubano-Americanas. A pesar de que la presencia de EE.UU. era técnicamente una adquisicién legal (por los documentos firmados), Cuba seguta considerándola como una ocupacién ilegal de sus tierras porque fueron amenazados por la fuerza, un acto que viola el derecho internacional. Esta violacién del derecho internacional pone automáticamente en tela de juicio la legalidad del puerto naval y del centro de detencién de Estados Unidos, ambos situados en la bahta de Guantánamo.

En muchos de los tratados que tienen como objetivo a Cuba, podemos ver el peso desigual que ha tenido los Estados Unidos a la hora de tomar decisiones. Se extralimitan en su poder y comienzan a involucrarse en asuntos que no les conciernen, pero que pueden afectarles si no se tratan. Después de la Revolucién Cubana (26 de julio de 1953 - 1 de enero de 1959), se nacionalizaron muchas tierras y empresas de propiedad estadounidense⁶⁶, ya que el pats las consideraba posesiones legttimas, también como una forma de represalia contra las leyes aislacionistas de EE.UU. puestas en marcha para afectar a Cuba econémicamente. La isla es rica en recursos naturales como combustibles refinados, azúcar, tabaco, ntquel... Los numerosos intentos fallidos estadounidenses de extraer los recursos de Cuba les llevaron a aplicar muchas sanciones controvertidas (como las leyes Helms Burton).

Muchas de las sanciones aplicadas por Estados Unidos fueron muy criticadas por el resto del mundo⁶⁷, pero no muchos pudieron hacer nada al respecto, ya que EE.UU. es una gran potencia que tiene una hegemonta en materia sociopolttica y econémica. Además, actos como la modificacién de la Ley de Asignaciones de Seguridad Mutua que prohtbe a otros patses ayudar a Cuba o de lo contrario pueden arriesgarse a ser excluidos de la ayuda exterior estadounidense. Esta es una prueba de que Estados Unidos ha encontrado realmente la manera de anular el sistema legal e implementar actos a su favor mientras no permite que

otros tomen represalias por miedo a las posibles sanciones económicas a las que podrían enfrentarse (el embargo a Cuba es una prueba de ello).

Por lo tanto, esas son las razones por las que la ocupación de Cuba por parte de EEUU es ilegal. No sólo es ilegal hacia la propia soberanía de Cuba, sino también hacia otros países, ya que no tiene en cuenta la opinión de los demás y va en contra del derecho internacional. En este caso, es difícil encontrar el enfoque correcto para esta situación, ya que los Estados Unidos son una gran potencia, no se puede hacer mucho, especialmente desde una pequeña isla como Cuba.

Después de la presidencia de Obama, la incoherencia frente a la isla Cubana persistía con la elección de Donald Trump, lo que se puede observar en la ocupación ilegal por parte de los Estados Unidos. Entonces, la contradicción de la presidencia de Obama, y la controversia de la de Trump crean un entorno muy inestable.

III. Cuáles son las repercusiones que puede tener la conflictiva relación americano-cubana a nivel regional y mundial?

III. A) Cuáles son los impactos de esta relación conflictiva que se pueden observar en la sociedad cubana?

Desde 1959, la relación entre Estados Unidos y Cuba ha estado marcada por la desconfianza y la hostilidad. Ese año Fidel Castro derrocó el régimen de La Habana apoyado por Estados Unidos y estableció un pais socialista aliado con la Unión Soviética. La emigración cubana siempre ha sido un "problema" y una dificultad para EE.UU. Tras esta revolución, el pais tenia que idear cómo organizar la emigración y siempre fue dificil desde la independencia y también con el imperialismo estadounidense.

Emigrar a Estados Unidos ya es bastante complicado de por si, debido al proteccionismo permanente de este pais. El pais quiere preservarse y ponerse en primer lugar: aqui, en el caso de Cuba, el pais es visto como un enemigo. Asi que por razonamiento lógico podemos entender (sin adherirnos necesariamente) por qué los migrantes cubanos han sido dificiles de acoger, con muchas leyes puestas en marcha, diferentes unas de otras... Un ejemplo es la "Ley de Ajuste Cubano» en 1966, que es la primera ley migratoria cubana puesta en marcha especificamente para los viajes de cubanos a Estados Unidos. Permitió a la mayoria de los cubanos indocumentados en Estados Unidos solicitar la ciudadania (incluidos sus cónyuges e hijos) si habian residido en Estados Unidos durante al menos un año. Esta ley era exclusivamente para los cubanos; nadie más podria beneficiarse.

Antes de esto, la ley estadounidense siempre habia sido muy estricta con respecto a los migrantes cubanos, pero la ley de ajuste cubano pretendia tener una politica de brazos abiertos.

Cuba también ha establecido leyes relativas a la migración de su población, como la Ley 989, que se estableció en 1961 para que el Estado se hiciera cargo de los bienes de los cubanos que emigraron. Estos ejemplos demuestran que ambos paises están dispuestos a regular los movimientos y las consecuencias de los mismos, porque aunque sean "enemigos ideológicos", Cuba y Estados Unidos son codependientes. Entre 1962 y 1979, la autoridad de libertad condicional del Fiscal General permitió que miles de cubanos emigraron a Estados Unidos. Asi, podemos ver claramente el impacto en la sociedad cubana, que ha sido fuertemente sacudida por el embargo en varios sectores (económico, social, y financiero).

Se puede ver que la inmigración en Estados Unidos es un tema muy complicado y acalorado, y que se han puesto en marcha muchas leyes y reglamentos sólo para este esquema. El aislamiento de Cuba ha tenido fuertes repercusiones: un cierre económico, financiero y social deja a un pais algo abandonado. Cuba ya no tenia acceso a los tratados transnacionales y a los acuerdos comerciales, ya no podia abastecerse de tecnologia avanzada porque los paises no podian hacer negocios con ella... Las desigualdades no hicieron más que aumentar.

Los impactos en la sociedad cubana son, en primer lugar, económicos y financieros.

El pais no ha logrado la industrialización y, por tanto, no se considera un pais industrializado desarrollado. Se quedó atrás como consecuencia del embargo, al no poder participar en los acuerdos comerciales mundiales; la isla no tenia libertad real en su forma de gestionarse, y acumuló restricciones por parte de Estados Unidos: el bloqueo le costó un total de 60.000 millones de dólares. Por lo tanto, era completamente imposible que Cuba siguiera el ritmo, cuando se hizo todo lo posible para frenarlo.

Incluso antes del embargo de 1962, Estados Unidos habia tomado el control de los negocios cubanos, como la producción de azficar (42%), los ferrocarriles (83%) y los servicios telefónicos y eléctricos (90%). Queda claro que Cuba estaba totalmente atrapada económica y financieramente, y más afin cuando se conoce el propósito de la enmienda de la Ley de Apropiación de Seguridad Mutua, que prohibe a otros paises ayudar a Cuba con la amenaza de excluirlos de la ayuda exterior estadounidense.

Como se ha visto anteriormente, muchos cubanos han decidido unirse a Estados Unidos y abandonar su patria. Vemos aqui un bucle: los EE.UU. (pero no sólo) impiden que Cuba pueda gestionar su población adecuadamente, la población emigra a los EE.UU (y sobre todo en Miami), y ambos paises se ven obligados a crear leyes y regulaciones como se ha visto anteriormente. En 1959 tuvo lugar la revolución cubana de Fidel Castro y creó una primera oleada migratoria sin precedentes, con 215.323 cubanos que se trasladaron a Miami entre 1959 y 1962, luego una segunda oleada entre 1965 y 1973 con 297.318 cubanos (en 1970, la población hispana de Miami era cubana en un 90%); una tercera y cuarta oleada tuvieron lugar en 1980 y 1994, pero con menor impacto. El gobierno estadounidense ha intentado reubicar a los cubanos que llegan a Miami, sin mucho éxito: en 1990, el 59% de todos los migrantes cubanos residian en la ciudad. Al ser Cuba uno de los "enemigos politicos" de Estados Unidos, su población no estaba bien vista.

Para los cubanos que emigraron a Miami, no tenian otra solución que crear sus propias economias, sus propios mercados... Esta concentración cubana en la ciudad ha creado una economia de mercado muy estable desde los alios 70: las empresas cubanas son cada vez más numerosas y la renta media de la población cubana de Miami es 7.000 dólares superior a la de la población hispana del pais. El crecimiento de las empresas de importación-exportación se hizo notar, y el desarrollo del comercio internacional también empujó a las multinacionales a instalar sus sedes en Miami, una ciudad prometedora, una metrópolis internacional pero también la "capital de las Américas".

Asi que, después, los cubanos que llegaban a Estados Unidos y a Miami, se encontraban directamente acogidos por esta comunidad cubana en la ciudad, que les ayudaba a encontrar trabajo y demás. Todo ello está relacionado en parte con la actitud de Estados Unidos hacia los emigrantes cubanos, pero también con la lucha contra el comunismo y la marginación de las minorias dentro del pais. El Programa de Refugiados Cubanos ⁶⁸se creó en 1961 para

ayudar a la integración de los cubanos y la Ley de Ajuste del Estatus Cubano de 1966 concedió el estatus de residente permanente un año después de la llegada al pais.

Amnistia Internacional da su opinión sobre el tema y explica cómo el embargo viola los derechos humanos del pueblo cubano y por qué se debe sancionar a Estados Unidos. Amnistia también aporta numerosos argumentos contra el embargo, el primero de ellos es que constituye una violación del derecho internacional por razones morales, politicas y económicas. En efecto, a través de múltiples investigaciones realizadas por la ONG, se ha comprobado que el embargo es una amenaza para el derecho a la salud de la población cubana, ya que dificulta enormemente la importación de equipos médicos, tecnologias avanzadas o incluso medicamentos vitales (lo que todavia se puede comprobar hoy en dia con los efectos del COVID-19 y la dificultad de Cuba para obtener vacunas o cuidados adaptados).

La ONG considera que ya es hora de que el gobierno de Estados Unidos tenga en cuenta las consecuencias sociales y económicas de sus medidas sobre la población cubana y que esto ya ha durado demasiado, y también condena el hecho de que, a pesar de varios mandatos, no se haya hecho nada para reducir o incluso cancelar el embargo. De hecho, ha ocurrido lo contrario, ya que en 1996 la Ley Helms-Burton aprobada por el Congreso incluso reforzó el embargo. Puesta en marcha para reforzar las sanciones internacionales a las empresas que comercian con Cuba, pero también para establecer los pasos para una especie de transición hacia el fin del embargo (parece que este aspecto de la ley aún no se ha cumplido), sólo afirmó el hecho de que no se haria nada para ayudar a la isla, al menos en ese momento.

Aunque la opinión de Amnistia es claramente contraria a lo que hacen el embargo y Estados Unidos, la organización sostiene que corresponde al gobierno cubano proporcionar la mayor protección a su pueblo, lo que significa que el gobierno tiene la obligación de "respetar, proteger y cumplir los derechos humanos de todos los cubanos". Dicho esto, el embargo no facilita las cosas. Sin la capacidad de importar medicamentos y nuevas tecnologias, es dificil desarrollar la economia al mismo nivel que otro pais del primer mundo, y Cuba sólo puede fallar a sus ciudadanos. También es dificil para la población cubana llevar una "vida sana", ya que la gran mayoria no tiene acceso a una buena alimentación, vivienda y agua potable. Incluso tienen que recurrir a ONG extranjeras para acceder a vacunas como las de la polio, la gripe hemofilica, la gripe, la rabia, las paperas, la rubéola y el sarampión.

Por último, entendemos que la relación entre Cuba y los Estados Unidos tiene repercusiones regionales sobre la población Cubana, y como consecuencia de estas relaciones agitadas, hay otros impactos y diversas reacciones a nivel global.

III. B) Cuáles han sido las diferentes reacciones e impactos de estas relaciones entre Cuba y los Estados Unidos sobre el resto del mundo ?

Cómo han reaccionado otros Estados al cambio de procedimiento de las relaciones por parte de los Estados Unidos hacia Cuba? (Periodo Obama/Trump)

Desde el principio, la respuesta internacional inicial a la aplicación de las sanciones económicas de 1962 contra Cuba no respondió a las expectativas de Estados Unidos. De hecho, en lugar de una respuesta positiva y de apoyo por parte del bloque capitalista, algunos de los mayores aliados de Estados Unidos en Europa y Norteamérica mostraron una gran falta de entusiasmo. Y esto persiste hasta hoy, durante los mandatos de los presidentes Obama y Trump. El contenido normativo de este embargo, especialmente la extraterritorialidad de sus normas, que pretenden imponer sanciones unilaterales por parte de Estados Unidos a la comunidad internacional, o la negación del derecho de nacionalización, a través del concepto de "tráfico", es una clara violación de la letra y el espiritu de la Carta de las Naciones Unidas y de la Organización de Estados Americanos, asi como de los propios fundamentos del derecho internacional, según la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas. También proclama la Asamblea que el embargo es ilegitimo e inmoral, ya que atenta contra las conquistas sociales que Cuba ha conseguido a lo largo de los años y pone en peligro los logros, reconocidos por muchos observadores internacionales independientes (entre ellos los de la OMS, la UNESCO, la UNICEF y muchas ONG), de sus sistemas públicos de educación, investigación, salud y cultura, que forman parte del pleno ejercicio de los derechos humanos.

Por esta razón, la administración Obama ha tomado medidas para suavizar las sanciones a la isla y esto no ha sido ignorado por el resto del mundo. Los anuncios de Barack Obama del 17 de diciembre de 2014 han sido apoyados internacionalmente. De hecho, muchos paises piden que se levante el embargo, y cuanto antes. Ya no toleran que un pais como Cuba sea excluido de la participación internacional. La isla tiene y ha tenido un gran avance en el sector médico, especialmente en lo que respecta al virus del ébola, y es por estas razones que sus recursos médicos son muy codiciados por el resto del mundo. Cuba hace negocios con paises, ya muy desarrollados en ese momento, como China, Brasil o Venezuela. Asi que podemos ver que la administración Obama y las decisiones tomadas han complacido a más de un estado en el resto del mundo. Pero esto no está en el mismo tono durante la última presidencia del presidente Donald Trump. Tras el anuncio de la administración Trump de permitir las reclamaciones contra las empresas que operan en antiguas propiedades estadounidenses nacionalizadas por Cuba, la UE amenazó con llevar a Estados Unidos ante la OMC. El anuncio realizado por el consejero de Seguridad Nacional, John Bolton, el 17 de abril de 2019, ante los veteranos de Bahia de Cochinos, fue precisamente la gota que colmó el vaso.

De hecho, Washington habia planeado dar un nuevo giro al embargo mediante la plena aplicación de la Ley Helms-Burton, que permite a cualquier ciudadano estadounidense presentar una demanda en los tribunales de Estados Unidos contra cualquier empresa que opere en antiguas propiedades estadounidenses nacionalizadas por la revolución cubana. Aprobada en 1996, esta parte de la ley nunca se habia aplicado porque los tres presidentes

sucesivos, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush y Barack Obama, siempre han adoptado moratorias de seis meses. A partir del 2 de mayo de 2019, estas reclamaciones han sido posibles. Según el Departamento de Justicia, 6.000 de ellos serian admisibles, por un valor de 8.000 millones de dólares. Se trataria de empresas (sobre todo europeas y canadienses) que gestionan complejos hoteleros y turisticos en Cuba, destilerias de ron o fábricas de puros, por ejemplo. Desde entonces, los funcionarios europeos de los paises más desarrollados (Francia y Reino Unido) han protestado enérgicamente. Consideran que la aplicación extraterritorial de medidas unilaterales contra Cuba es contraria al derecho internacional y amenazan con llevar el caso a la Organización Mundial del Comercio.

El embargo estadounidense es contrario al derecho internacional y la Asamblea General de la ONU lo ha condenado durante 26 años. Asi pues, los estados que no tenian nada que ver con el embargo de Estados Unidos a Cuba al principio, ahora se sienten afectados por estas sanciones y han decidido por fin oponerse a ellas.

Más adelante veremos qué repercusiones ha tenido este embargo también en otros paises del mundo.

Como se mencionó en la sección anterior, en 1962 Estados Unidos implementó su embargo contra Cuba asumiendo que sus aliados de la OTAN decidieron apoyar las acciones estadounidenses. Sin embargo, los paises de Europa Occidental, miembros de esta organización de aliados militares, continuaron en cierta medida sus relaciones comerciales con Cuba. Los recursos estratégicos, como las piezas de repuesto y los materiales industriales, asi como los equipos militares, dejaron de llegar a Cuba desde la Europa capitalista a petición de Estados Unidos. Sin embargo, con respecto a otros tipos de exportaciones de estos paises (motores, productos quimicos), el comercio no se vio afectado, por lo que estos mismos paises pudieron seguir aprovechando el mercado cubano. Esta aplicación a sólo una parte de las exportaciones europeas a Cuba es, por tanto, más simbólica que práctica, ya que estas medidas parciales no estaban definitivamente a la altura de las expectativas estadounidenses. A lo sumo, demostraron que cierta parte de Europa (el este del continente estaba bajo control soviético) estaba dispuesta a apoyar a Estados Unidos, sin ofrecerle un apoyo sin reservas.

Además, Japón, gran aliado de Estados Unidos en aquella época y principal importador de azúcar cubano, tuvo que revisar su politica hacia la isla. De hecho, tras algunas "sugerencias" de los estadounidenses y la presión de Tokio, las empresas japonesas encontraron otras fuentes de azúcar y el pais siguió el mismo camino que los europeos.

Hoy, la Asamblea General de la ONU redobla sus esfuerzos para que se levante el embargo contra Cuba porque no sólo afecta a la isla, sino también a otros Estados. En su resolución, la Asamblea General expresa su preocupación por el hecho de que los Estados sigan adoptando y aplicando leyes y reglamentos, como la llamada Ley Helms-Burton de 12 de marzo de 1996, cuyos efectos extraterritoriales atentan contra la soberania de otros Estados y los intereses legitimos de entidades o personas bajo su jurisdicción, asi como contra la libertad de

comercio y navegación. "El bloqueo contra Cuba es ilegal. El bloqueo es injusto. El bloqueo es inmoral", declaró enérgicamente Bolivia. Hoy en día, no se trata sólo de Cuba. Estamos hablando de todo el sistema multilateral amenazado. Sometido a las sanciones de Estados Unidos desde la Revolución Islámica, Irán ha diagnosticado la adicción de Estados Unidos a las sanciones contra los Estados que se resisten a sus políticas expansionistas. Irán y Cuba están pagando el precio de su resistencia y determinación para escapar de la política colonialista de Estados Unidos.

Entre 2019 y hoy se han destacado varias declaraciones de representantes de diferentes estados. Estos denuncian su compromiso y apoyo al levantamiento del embargo que ahora les afecta directamente.

El Sr. Neville Melvin Gertze, representante de Namibia en las Asambleas de las Naciones Unidas, reiteró su inquebrantable y firme apoyo al pueblo y al Gobierno de Cuba, subrayando que el bloqueo es contrario al derecho internacional y a la Carta de las Naciones Unidas. El representante de Egipto, Sr. Ahmed, subrayó el impacto negativo del bloqueo, especialmente desde el punto de vista de la seguridad alimentaria y el desarrollo socioeconómico. El Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores de Venezuela, Sr. Jorge Arreaza Montserrat, resaltó que su presencia da cuenta de la importancia que el Presidente Nicolás Maduro Moros otorga a este debate y a la votación de una resolución "justa y legítima" ahora que el Gobierno de los Estados Unidos ha reforzado el bloqueo. También denunció los actos de intimidación de las instituciones financieras internacionales, en flagrante violación de las normas de la Organización Mundial del Comercio (OMC). También muchos estados se han pronunciado, de forma descarada, a favor del levantamiento del embargo.

Qué impacto han tenido las malas relaciones entre Cuba y los Estados Unidos en el turismo internacional?

Por otro lado, las relaciones Cubano-americanas tuvieron incidencias importantes a nivel internacional, sobre todo en el turismo internacional. La isla cubana había conocido algunos cambios importantes en su sociedad con la llegada del turismo. Después de las restricciones impuestas por la administración de Bush, el número de visitantes cubano-americanos ha disminuido entre 2005 y 2007. Con la presidencia de Obama, algunas de estas restricciones han seguido existiendo, y se estima que la apertura de las fronteras cubanas a los Norteamericanos permitiría un aumento del 50% del número actual de turistas.

Se diferencian dos tipos de turismo presentes en Cuba, uno que es nostálgico de la época pre-revolucionaria (con las coches icónicas) y el otro más « romántico » con sus playas por ejemplo. Este diferenciación se hace en el documento « Che, Chevys, and Hemingway's Daiquiris: Cuban tourism in a time of globalisation » de Florence E. Babb, en el cual la autora nos habla de un «apartheid» local. El hecho de estar aparte de la sociedad es una de las consecuencias inesperadas de la llegada del turismo en Cuba. De hecho, el « apartheid» local hace referencia a la mayor parte de la población cubana que no tiene acceso a lugares turísticos, a menos que trabajen en el sector mismo. Aunque los cubanos están autorizados a

quedarse en los hoteles turísticos del país, los precios quedan demasiado altos respecto a los salarios medios mensuales (alrededor de 17 pesos convertibles).

Las disparidades sociales y las desigualdades se observan por todas partes en Cuba durante las visitas guiadas. Existe obviamente una ambivalencia sobre la presencia de turistas en Cuba, se minimizan las tensiones locales para ampliar el desarrollo económico porque el turismo es primordial para el gobierno. La autora nos dice que es casi como si « el comunismo se hace seguro para el turismo ». Una de las reacciones por parte de los turistas internacionales en Cuba ha sido el apoyo a la previa Revolución frente a la influencia norteamericana.

Para concluir esta parte, las relaciones conflictivas entre Cuba y los Estados Unidos han afectado a las condiciones de vida locales en la isla y también a su relación con el turismo internacional.

Cómo se utilizaron los medios de comunicación durante las actuales tensiones entre EE.UU. y Cuba y hasta dónde llegaron?

El artículo 53 de la Constitución cubana afirma que "los ciudadanos gozan de libertad de expresión y de prensa de acuerdo con los objetivos de la sociedad socialista"⁶⁹. Esta afirmación demuestra el rígido enfoque que tiene Cuba hacia la libertad de expresión en los medios de comunicación. Cualquier infracción a esta ley va seguida de sanciones basadas en el código penal cubano de 1987, con penas como la prisión, las multas... La privatización de la palabra en Cuba es la principal razón por la que los golpes mediáticos son casi imposibles en el país, ya que es un hecho que no ha ocurrido en más de 50 años. Esta táctica es una forma de que Cuba tenga una sensación de control sobre la información que se difunde en su país. A pesar de estas medidas, EE.UU. se las ha arreglado para encontrar formas de burlar las restricciones en Cuba y difundir propaganda a través de diferentes medios como la radio, la televisión e incluso Internet hasta cierto punto.

El primer intento de EE.UU. con la propaganda en Cuba fue con Radio Marty, un programa de radio respaldado por la administración de Ronald Reagan, que financiaron oficialmente⁷⁰. Se lanzó en 1985 y tiene su sede en Miami, Florida. El programa cubre noticias políticas en español y tiene un presupuesto de 27 millones⁷¹ de dólares al año. Más tarde, en 1990, lanzaron un programa de televisión llamado TV Marty que seguía los pasos del programa de radio. A través de estos medios los Estados Unidos intentaban utilizar una técnica llamada operación psicológica (PSYOP)⁷², en la que una parte busca difundir información parcial a

69 COMISIÓN INTERAMERICANA DE DERECHOS HUMANOS. (2018, December 31). Libertad de expresión en Cuba. Relatoría Especial para la libertad de Expresión, OEA/SER.L/V/II(CIDH/RELE/INF.21/18), 120 pages. http://www.oas.org/es/cidh/expresion/docs/informes/Cuba-es.pdf

70 Woldman, J. M. (1984, May 22). RADIO MARTI. Foreign Affairs and National Defense Division, IB83105(0523), 14 pages. https://www.everycrsreport.com/files/19840522 IB83105 27c5b043df99749a5a095e669b5739788557ba92.pdf

71 Wikipedia Collaborators. (2021, Febrero 12). Radio y Televisión Martí. Wikipedia. https://es.qaz.wiki/wiki/Radio y Television Marti

otro grupo como forma de influir en sus opiniones, emociones y razonamiento objetivo. Se trata de una herramienta muy poderosa de poder blando, ya que es muy dificil de percibir y tiene un amplio rango de influencia. En última instancia, pretende influir no sólo en el comportamiento de las personas, sino también, a largo plazo, en los gobiernos y las organizaciones, lo que facilita la influencia en la estructura y la dinámica sociopolitica de un pais.

Las consecuencias de esta propaganda han tenido muchos efectos en Cuba. De hecho, la propaganda estadounidense contra la isla solia girar en torno a mensajes anticomunistas y a la glorificación de Estados Unidos. Sin embargo, las caricaturas de Castro, que pretendian demonizarlo para desacreditarlo, tomaron otro cariz. De hecho, toda esta propaganda anticastrista se convirtió en una inspiración para una parte de la población Afroamericana de EEUU que empezó a identificarse con él en cuanto a sus ideas sobre las desigualdades e injusticias socioeconómicas⁷³. Asi como los medios de comunicación pueden ser manipulados en contra de ciertas personas, también pueden sacarlos a la luz, como se vio durante la aparición de Castro y Guevara en el Show de Ed Sullivan en 1959⁷⁴. Ambos hombres fueron vistos como gloriosos rebeldes carismáticos que luchaban contra las desigualdades y la hegemonia estadounidense. A partir de este momento, la propaganda como forma de demonizar a las personalidades empezó a perder su eficacia, ya que la gente estaba menos influenciada y era más escéptica respecto a los medios de comunicación que consumia, era más propensa a utilizar su propia inteligencia para ser el verdadero juez.

También existe la presencia de un doble estándar "democrático" entre los dos paises, pues resulta que Cuba a pesar de ser presentada como un pais comunista rigido que controla su prensa, sigue teniendo acceso a muchos medios de comunicación occidentales. En cambio, no se puede decir lo mismo de los Estados Unidos, que no tienen tanto acceso a muchos medios de comunicación cubanos⁷⁵. Estados Unidos, a pesar de patrocinar una radio y una televisión que transmiten desde Miami a Cuba, se ha negado a que Cuba haga lo mismo. Esto demuestra, una vez más, la hipocresia de la que hace gala EE.UU. y la forma en la que sólo le gusta promover la libertad de expresión cuando tiene la sartén por el mango.

Desde el final de la guerra fria y la división del mundo entre el capitalismo y el comunismo, la propaganda tal y como se conocia ha cambiado drásticamente. La propaganda pasó de ser un ataque directo a figuras públicas a convertirse ahora en un mensaje más sutil aportado por el poder blando de cada pais y la capacidad de cambiar la forma en que el mundo los ve a ellos o a sus oponentes. De hecho, Radio y TV Marti siguen activas hasta el dia de hoy, lo que nos demuestra la perseverancia de Estados Unidos en querer mantener una influencia en los medios de comunicación extranjeros. Con el auge de las redes sociales y los teléfonos inteligentes, hay más herramientas disponibles y accesibles de la mano de la propaganda anticubana estadounidense.

Como último ejemplo de medios de comunicación utilizados como herramienta de influencia política está la Junta de Gobernadores de la Radiodifusión (BBG), fundada en 1999, que ahora se ha trasladado a otras plataformas como Internet. Tienen una página de Facebook, un sitio web e incluso una aplicación telefónica llamada Martinoticias.com⁷⁶. También existe Piramideo⁷⁷, una red social que utiliza los SMS como medio de comunicación. Todo ello para mostrar el continuo patrón de uso de los medios de comunicación como herramienta política.

Conclusion

Tout au long de ce mémoire, nous avions pour principal objectif d'analyser le fondement des relations entre la grande puissance des États-Unis et l'île de Cuba à travers la période que l'on nomme l'embargo. Cette notion a dû être définie, puis associée à cette partie de l'histoire comme un tournant dans la position de Cuba face aux États-Unis, mais également face au monde entier.

Depuis 1962 l'île vit sous les restrictions de son voisin nord-américain et n'a jamais réellement eu l'opportunité de renverser la tendance. Attirés par l'avantage économique et géostratégique que représentait Cuba, les États-Unis ont procédé à de nombreux moyens pour s'accaparer toute l'île, notamment par le biais de lois, amendements ou doctrines. L'Amendement Platt de 1901 fait partie des premiers écrits ayant fait du tort à Cuba.

Les États-Unis ont dû faire face à plusieurs obstacles qui les freinent dans leur quête d'apprivoisement de l'île. L'alliance de Cuba avec l'URSS, ennemi numéro 1 des États-Unis, en est l'une d'entre elles. Mais malgré les différentes oppositions, les États-Unis ont su montrer leur puissance en profitant des avantages qu'offrait l'île durant une longue période. Entre sanctions économiques terribles et une isolation totale du reste du monde, Cuba s'est retrouvée à plusieurs reprises très affaiblie par l'impérialisme Américain.

Mais cela semblait s'améliorer avec l'arrivée au pouvoir d'une personnalité représentant la diversité du pays, le président Barack Obama. Tout au long de ses mandats, il a bien fait savoir que la normalisation des relations avec Cuba était primordiale pour le bon fonctionnement de chacun des États respectifs. Lors de son discours du 17 décembre 2014, il déclarait : « Nous ne pouvons pas, et ne devons pas, ignorer les différences très réelles que nous avons - sur la façon dont nous organisons nos gouvernements, nos économies et nos sociétés. Cuba a un système de parti unique ; les États-Unis sont une démocratie avec plusieurs partis. Cuba a un modèle économique socialiste ; les États-Unis ont un marché ouvert. Cuba a mis l'accent sur le rôle et les droits de l'État ; les États-Unis sont fondés sur les droits de l'individu ». Lorsque l'on perçoit ces différences entre les deux États, on se doute que le changement ne se fera pas rapidement.

Cependant, cet élan diplomatique avec l'île ne fut pas vain. On peut même considérer les démarches étatsuniennes comme une réussite. Les avancées historiques entreprises par les deux dirigeants ne sont pas sans conséquences et ont permis bien plus d'opportunités que durant les cinquante années de tension.

À l'arrivée du président Donald Trump en janvier 2017, la tendance revient à changer. Le chef d'État américain remet en vigueur toutes les restrictions levées par le président Obama, et va jusqu'à en rajouter d'autres à l'aide de lois et d'amendements (entière application de la loi Helms-Burton). Ces mesures reviennent même à introduire les pays qui au départ ne se sentaient pas impliqués par l'embargo. En effet, à l'international, de plus en plus d'États viennent se positionner en faveur de la levée de l'embargo car désormais celui-ci affecte également les dimensions économiques et idéologiques de ces derniers. L'Assemblée Générale va jusqu'à accuser les États-Unis de crime contre l'humanité et réprime toutes les

dispositions mises en place contre l'île. Les pays d'Europe y sont très investis et l'URSS veut également empêcher son principal rival qui est le gouvernement américain de s'emparer du potentiel que représente Cuba.

Nous pourrions nous demander à quel point les relations entre les deux pays pourraient-elles être « normalisées» à l'avenir et si réellement ces relations pourront être normalisées un jour. Aujourd'hui, alors que le monde traverse une crise sanitaire importante, on ne se concentre plus autant sur l'embargo comme auparavant car les États sont focalisés sur leur propre survie économique et pendant ce temps laissent aux États-Unis une réelle marge d'avance sur la situation.

Un assouplissement des politiques migratoires pourrait effectivement permettre à ces deux États de consolider leur relation pour de potentielles alliances économiques et politiques notamment en supprimant toutes les restrictions qui sont liées aux transferts démographiques et financiers entre l'île et l'État de Floride, l'État le plus convoité par les cubains depuis l'exode de la grande bourgeoisie cubaine de 1959 à 1962. Dans ce cas là, on peut affirmer que les relations entre les deux États pourraient être amenées à s'apaiser à l'issue de prises de décisions sur le plan politique. Reste à savoir si dans cette optique, alors qu'historiquement plusieurs fenêtres d'opportunité ont eu l'occasion de s'ouvrir avec Cuba, le prochain président des États-Unis d'Amérique, Joe Biden va-t-il poursuivre la stratégie d'isolement remise en place par l'administration de Donald Trump ou va t'il continuer ce que la présidence Obama a entamé ?

Accords Castro-Mikoyan: En 1962, après la crise des missiles, un accord a été conclu entre Fidel Castro et Anastas Mikoyan (un homme d'État soviétique). Les accords conclus concernaient les relations entre Cuba et les États-Unis et stipulaient que Cuba devait s'abstenir de négocier avec les États-Unis au sujet de la crise des missiles.

Amendement Platt: Ce document juridique datant de 1901, indique les modalités de retrait des États-Unis de Cuba en échange de sept conditions de la part des États-Unis. Ces conditions tournent principalement autour de la position diplomatique, de l'appropriation de certaines terres de l'île, de la présence militaire...

Article 53, Constitution Cubaine: Cet article de la constitution cubaine de 1976 stipule que : "Les citoyens ont la liberté d'expression et de la presse, conformément aux objectifs de la société socialiste. Les conditions matérielles de l'exercice de ce droit sont assurées par le fait que la presse, la radio, la télévision, le cinéma et les autres organes de communication sont propriété de l'État ou de la société et ne peuvent jamais être propriété privée. Cela assure leur utilisation au service exclusif des travailleurs et dans l'intérêt de la société."

Accord de location entre Cuba et les EU: Signé en 1903 entre Cuba et les États-Unis, cet accord stipule la location de terres sur le territoire Cubain aux États-Unis. Ces terres étaient louées aux États-Unis afin qu'ils puissent construire des bases militaires et navales sur l'île.

Loi sur les investissements étrangers. No. 118: Cette législation concerne les opérations d'investissement ainsi que la diversification et l'expansion des marchés d'exportation. Elle s'articule autour de 11 secteurs clés : agriculture et sylviculture, industrie alimentaire, énergie et mines, industrie sucrière, industries légères, chimiques et électriques, industrie pharmaceutique, commerce de gros, soins de santé, construction, tourisme et transport.

Loi sur les crédits de sécurité mutuelle (1951): De 1951 à 1961, cette loi a conduit à la création de programmes américains d'aide à l'étranger qui ont bénéficié à de multiples pays. Elle a été signée par Harry S. Truman et constituait une sorte de "plan Marshall" renouvelé. Cette loi avait pour but de contenir le communisme en aidant financièrement d'autres pays dans le besoin afin de garder une influence sur eux.

Loi d'Ajustement Cubaine (Cuban Adjustment Act) : datant de 1966, cette loi permettait aux Cubains et à leur famille (femmes et enfants) de devenir de véritables résidents permanents, par le biais d'un ajustement de leur statut fait grâce à une demande de visa.

Loi Helms-Burton: Bill Clinton a signé cette loi en 1996. Son but est d'interdire l'internationalisation des entreprises cubaines et de décourager les investissements en provenance de pays étrangers. Clinton voulait par ces moyens forcer Cuba à devenir une démocratie et à élire un nouveau président en accord avec les valeurs américaines.

Loi sur le commerce humanitaire cubain: Cette loi modifie la loi sur l'aide étrangère de

1961. Cette modification vise à permettre l'exemption de l'embargo sur l'importation de certaines catégories de marchandises à Cuba, telles que la nourriture, les équipements médicaux et les médicaments.

Loi sur le commerce humanitaire cubain: Cette loi modifie la loi sur l'aide étrangère de 1961. Cette modification vise à permettre l'exemption de l'embargo sur l'importation de certaines catégories de marchandises à Cuba, telles que la nourriture, les équipements médicaux et les médicaments.

Loi sur les crédits de sécurité mutuelle: Cette loi a été promulguée en 1951 par le 82ème Congrès des États-Unis. Elle était axée sur le maintien de la sécurité, la promotion du bien-être et la création de politiques étrangères. Elle visait les pays jugés "amis" par les États-Unis et constituait un moyen pour eux de promouvoir la paix et la sécurité internationales.

Loterie des cartes vertes: La loterie créée par les États-Unis en 1990 permet aux participants de recevoir une carte de résident permanent

PSYOP: Une opération psychologique (PSYOP), c'est lorsqu'un partie cherche à diffuser des informations partielles à un autre groupe afin d'influencer leurs opinions, émotions et raisonnement objectif.

Politique de pieds secs, pieds mouillés (Wet foot/dry foot policy) : loi sur la migration permettant la migration légale des Cubains aux États-Unis sous certaines conditions (les personnes ne pouvaient rester aux États-Unis que si elles avaient réussi à se trouver sur le sol américain, et si ces personnes étaient ramassées en mer, elles étaient expulsées vers Cuba)

Sommet des Amériques: Il s'agit d'un événement au cours duquel les dirigeants et les chefs d'État américains se réunissent pour discuter publiquement de questions relatives à l'élaboration des politiques, aux accords et à l'engagement sur des valeurs communes afin de maintenir des relations multilatérales stables.

Traité sur les relations cubano-américaines: Ce traité a été signé en 1934 par les États-Unis et Cuba. Ce traité a remplacé le traité cubano-américain de 1903. Il répète les 7 mêmes conditions que les États-Unis avaient précédemment imposées à Cuba. Ces obligations concernaient l'impossibilité pour les pays étrangers d'avoir une base navale à Cuba et que les actions militaires cubaines doivent être approuvées par les États-Unis entre autres.

Règlement sur le contrôle des avoirs cubains: Cette réglementation a été mise en place par le département du Trésor américain en 1917. Son but est de réguler les relations entre les États-Unis et Cuba. C'est aussi un moyen de permettre aux États-Unis de renforcer l'embargo imposé à Cuba.

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