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THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL REFORM: MYTH
OR
REALITY? AN AFRICAN ANALYSIS
BY
INNOCENT NDIYAYE UWIMANA
Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of
Masters of Science in International
Relations Degree
Supervisor: Professor HASU H. PATEL
DEPARTMENT OF
POLITICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE STUDIES
FACULTY OF SOCIAL
SCIENCES
UNIVERSITY OF ZIMBABWE
2006
Table of Contents Page
Dedication iii
Acknowledgements iv
List of Abbreviations v
Foreword vii
Abstract viii
Chapter 1: Introduction 1
Background and Statement of the Problem 1
Objectives and Purpose of the Study 2
Literature Review 3
Theoretical Framework 5
Hypothesis 7
Methodology 7
Chapter 2: The United Nations Security Council
8
Introduction 8
The Structure of the United Nations Security Council 8
The United Nations Security Council Modus Operandi 9
The United Nations Security Council Peacekeeping efforts in
Africa and its Weaknesses 16
The African Contribution Towards International Peace and Security
under Articles 52 and 53 of
the United Nations Charter 22
The Economic Community Monitoring Group 23
The Southern Africa Development Community 25
Chapter 3: The United Nations Security Council Reform
27
Introduction 27
African Union Position 27
The Group of Four Position 29
The South African and Nigerian Position Regarding the Veto Power
30
The Group of Four and African Union Compromise Opponents' views
32
The Group of Four Proposal's Impact on the African Union Position
33
Chapter 4: The Possibility of Adopting the African Union
Proposal or Otherwise 35
Introduction 35
The Possibilities of Adopting the African Proposal or Otherwise
35
Chapter 5: Conclusion and Proposed Recommendations
48
Introduction 48
Proposed Recommendations 50
Bibliography 52
Dedication
Je dédié ce travail à mes
parents qui ont contribué d'une façon extraordinaire à mes
études.
A toute la famille de JOSEPH BARASA, je dis: Danke
Schon.
With humble and sincere heart, I dedicate this work
to all those who persistently fight for a
better, safer world, which the
poor, and powerless dream of daily for all humanity.
Acknowledgements
I would like to express my most sincere gratitude and
appreciation to my supervisor Professor Hasu H. Patel.
«A mediocre teacher tells. The good teacher
explains. The superior teacher demonstrates. The great teacher
inspires» [William Arthur Ward 1954].
Your advice has been a life-lesson and a source of challenge
to me, and invaluable information you provided, helped me to complete this
study. I am grateful for having benefited from your unparalleled understanding
of global politics. I owe this work to you.
May unreserved appreciation goes to Dr Gideon Zhou who is behind
all my success and completion of my studies.
Many thanks to Professor Walter Kamba, who persistently gave
me various ways of arguing throughout this study. I have been privileged to
have the benefit of his intellectual vigour and valuable advice. My Sincere
gratitude goes to Dr. Jabulani Nyamwenda and Ms Mumba of the United Nations
Information centre, Research Section [Harare], Mr Simon Badza and Wing
Commander [RTD] Mafongoya, for your guidance, patience, understanding and
insightful assistance in the conceptualisation of this work.
My deep and sincere appreciation goes to Bartheze and Maman
Jihad, Sr.Takaza of Inter-Regional Meeting of Bishops of Southern Africa
[IMBISA], Dr. Frank Ndayahoze, Bangamwabo François of the University of
Galway, Juvenal Baraga, Bizimana Télésphore, Ngendahimana Alain
and Owen Shumba for your unwavering material, moral and financial support
throughout my studies.
My heartfelt thanks also goes to Dr Thomas of Katholischer
Akademischer Auslander-Dienst, without your assistance, this work might not
have been completed.
The encouragement and support I received from colleagues
deserve my unreserved thanks. While it is impossible to mention them all, my
admiration and gratitude goes to Fortune G, Heather Chingono, Heather Koga,
Ndudzo, Richard M, Lui, Againmore Chakandinakira, Sithole Mandela, Justin and
Brian. Thank you guys for all the light moments we shared and the constructive
advice we exchanged pricelessly.
To all those I did not individually mention, especially those
from the Great Lakes region
currently studying at University of Zimbabwe, I
thank you all for your support and
encouragement, GOD
BLESS.
List of Abbreviations
AU African Union
DRC Democratic Republic of Congo
ECOMOG ECOWAS Monitoring Group
ECOWAS Economic Community of West Africa
States
EU European Union
FLS Front Line States
G-4 Group of Four
ICJ International Court of Justice
ICTR International Criminal Tribunal for
Rwanda
ISDSC Inter-State Defence and Security
Committee
MONUC United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic
of the Congo
NAM Non-Aligned Movement
NEPAD New Partnership for Africa's
Development
OAU Organisation for African Unity
ONUC United Nations Operation in the Congo
OPDS Organ on Politics, Defence and Security
P-5 Permanent Five
RCD Congolese Rally for democracy
RPF Rwanda Patriotic Front
SADC Southern Africa Development Community
SADCC Southern Africa Development Community
Conference
UN United Nations
UNAMIR United Nations Assistance Mission
Rwanda-Uganda
UNEFI United Nations Emergency Force
UNGA United Nations General Assembly
UNITAF United Nations Task Force
UNOSOM United Nations Observer in Somalia
UNSC United Nations Security Council
UNSG United Nations Secretary General
US United States
WFP World Food Programme
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Tables, Diagrams and Figures
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Table 4.1
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46
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Diagram 4.1
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Figure 4.1
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45
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Annex
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The High-Level Panel on Threats, Challenges, Changes composition
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.55
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Foreword
«It took World War II to `reform' the League of
Nations into the United Nations - and it has often looked as if it might take
World War III to reform the United Nations».
[John Mackman 1989: 40].
Abstract
«Anybody who really wants to abolish war must resolutely
declare himself in favor of his own country's resigning a portion of its
sovereignty in favor of international institutions.» Albert Einstein
[1934]
The United Nations [U.N] was founded at the end of World War
II [WWII] by the victorious world powers and China. The founders had high hopes
that it would act to prevent conflicts between nations and make future wars
unthinkable, by fostering an ideal of collective security. When the U.N was
established, the core responsibility for maintaining international peace and
security was entrusted to the United Nations Security Council [UNSC]. This
organ is made up of Russia, France, United States [U.S], China and the United
Kingdom [UK] as permanent members with veto power. This concentration of power
to the exclusion of all other U.N member states has made the active pursuit of
a universal and greater common good by the U.N, and particularly the UNSC
virtually impossible. In addition, since its establishment, the UNSC did not
fully discharge its mandate as enshrined in the U.N Charter. Furthermore, the
UNSC composition does not reflect the dramatic political and economic changes
that have occurred in the international community in the last sixty years, but
rather represents the 1945 global balance of power. Therefore, in order to
command worldwide respect and effectively address the challenges of the
21st century, it has become necessary that the UNSC expands its
membership in the permanent and non-permanent categories, with inclusion of
both developing and developed countries, so as to enhance its
representativeness, effectiveness and credibility, especially from the global
South. It is under this paradigm that several countries have offered
epigrammatic blue print for a democratic and empowered UNSC. This study
considers major criticisms addressed to the UNSC and discusses different
versions of the reform proposed by various states, paying particular emphasis
on the AU proposed blueprint. It also assesses the realism and practicality of
the AU proposal currently on the table. Finally, it reflects on the effect that
the reform would have on the legitimacy of the UNSC and its role in maintaining
global peace and security.
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